Werme v. Merrill ( 1996 )


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    UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
    FOR THE FIRST CIRCUIT FOR THE FIRST CIRCUIT

    _________________________


    No. 95-1982


    PAULA WERME, ET AL.,

    Plaintiffs, Appellants,

    v.

    STEPHEN MERRILL, GOVERNOR OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ET AL.,

    Defendants, Appellees.

    _________________________

    APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

    FOR THE DISTRICT OF NEW HAMPSHIRE

    [Hon. Joseph A. DiClerico, Jr., U.S. District Judge] ___________________

    _________________________

    Before

    Selya and Cummings,* Circuit Judges, ______________

    and Coffin, Senior Circuit Judge. ____________________

    _________________________

    Barnes, Bender & Boehm, Martin Bender, and Paula Werme, pro _______________________ _____________ ___________
    se, on brief for appellants.
    Jeffrey R. Howard, Attorney General, and Christopher P. ___________________ ______________
    Reid, Assistant Attorney General, on brief for appellees. ____

    _________________________


    May 23, 1996
    _________________________

    __________
    *Of the Seventh Circuit, sitting by designation.
















    SELYA, Circuit Judge. We must determine in the course SELYA, Circuit Judge. _____________

    of this appeal whether New Hampshire overstepped constitutional

    bounds by denying a recognized third party the right, enjoyed by

    the state's two most popular political parties, to have election

    inspectors and ballot clerks present at the polls on Election

    Day. We conclude, as did the district court, that the state's

    statutory scheme passes constitutional muster.

    I. BACKGROUND I. BACKGROUND

    The material facts are not in genuine dispute. In New

    Hampshire, as elsewhere, the Democratic and Republican parties

    dominate the political scene. Nevertheless, third parties can

    make their mark. In the 1990 gubernatorial election one such

    group, the Libertarian Party, garnered over 3% of the votes cast

    statewide. This level of achievement earned it the right to hold

    party primaries and to have its anointed candidates appear under

    the party label on the official ballot. See N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. ___

    652:11 & 655:14 (1986). The Libertarian Party retained that

    status by virtue of the number of votes its candidates garnered

    in subsequent elections.

    Despite party recognition and ballot status, the

    Libertarian Party claims that it has been hampered by a series of

    seemingly unconnected mishaps.1 Goaded by these incidents,
    ____________________

    1To cite a few of the more bruited examples, the party
    claims that one town neglected to forward the count of
    Libertarian votes cast in the 1990 gubernatorial election to the
    Secretary of State; that, in another town, election officials,
    contrary to then-existing state law, see N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. ___
    659:14 (1986), since amended, see id. 659:14(I) (1994 Supp.), ___ ___
    refused to permit a registered Democrat to change her party

    2












    Paula Werme, a registered Libertarian, requested that the

    selectmen in Mont Vernon appoint her to represent her party as a

    ballot clerk at the March 1994 municipal election. The selectmen

    denied her request. In rapid succession Werme then brought her

    campaign to the Secretary of State and, failing to obtain

    redress, sought a judicial anodyne.

    Invoking 42 U.S.C. 1983, Werme sued the Governor and

    the Secretary of State in New Hampshire's federal district court.

    She alleged that the statutes governing appointment of election

    inspectors and ballot clerks abridged her constitutional rights

    to free association, due process, and equal protection; she

    prayed that the court enjoin their enforcement; and she sought an

    order commanding the appointment of Libertarians to the indicated

    positions on the same basis as members of the Democratic and

    Republican parties. The Libertarian Party intervened as an

    additional plaintiff. The district court, after mulling cross-

    motions for summary judgment, concluded that the defendants'

    interest in the efficient management of election activities

    justified the small restriction on the plaintiffs' rights that

    the challenged statutes entailed, and upheld New Hampshire's

    statutory scheme. This appeal followed.

    II. STANDARD OF APPELLATE REVIEW II. STANDARD OF APPELLATE REVIEW

    The summary judgment standard is both prosaic and
    ____________________

    registration and affiliate with the Libertarian Party; and that
    on occasion voters discovered that unauthorized changes had been
    made in their listed party affiliations. No complaints were
    filed with the Secretary of State in connection with any of these
    incidents.

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    familiar, see, e.g., McCarthy v. Northwest Airlines, Inc., 56 ___ ____ ________ _________________________

    F.3d 313, 315 (1st Cir. 1995) (collecting cases), and we see no

    need to rehearse it here. We simply restate two basic verities.

    First, the district court may enter summary judgment only if the

    record reveals no genuine issue of material fact and the movant

    demonstrates an entitlement to judgment as a matter of law. See ___

    Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(c). Second, the court of appeals reviews the

    grant of summary judgment de novo, applying the same legal

    principles that held sway in the nisi prius court. See Roche v. ___ _____

    John Hancock Mutual Life Ins. Co., ___ F.3d ___, ___ (1st Cir. __________________________________

    1996) [No. 95-1804, slip op. at 8].

    III. THE STATUTORY SCHEME III. THE STATUTORY SCHEME

    New Hampshire's electoral machinery is pretty standard

    stuff. A town moderator supervises Election Day activities.2

    See N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. 659:9. The moderator commands a cadre ___

    of other election officials, including inspectors appointed by

    the two political parties that received "the largest number of

    votes [cast] for governor in the state at the last previous

    general election. . . ." Id. 658:2. Each such political party ___

    may appoint two inspectors per polling place, and one additional

    inspector for every 1,500 qualified voters in excess of 2,000

    qualified voters registered at that polling place. See id. If a ___ ___

    political party fails to appoint inspectors, the town's selectmen
    ____________________

    2While procedures are slightly different in cities than in
    towns, the differences are irrelevant to the disposition of this
    appeal. Consequently, we refer throughout to the election
    procedures in towns, omitting particularized references to
    counterpart procedures that apply in urban settings.

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    fill the lacuna by naming inspectors from the ranks of that

    party. See id. In turn, the moderator designates two election ___ ___

    inspectors, one from each of the two parties, to serve as ballot

    clerks. See id. 658:25. ___ ___

    Ballot clerks exercise no discretion. Their purely

    ministerial duties include distributing ballots at the polls and

    keeping an official checklist containing the names of persons who

    in fact vote. See id. 658:25 & 659:13. In principle, a voter ___ ___

    presents herself to the ballot clerk; if the voter's name appears

    on an official list of registered voters, the ballot clerk

    provides her with a ballot.3 Ballot clerks are not empowered to

    register voters, and do not have authority to modify the official

    voting list. While voters may declare or change their party

    affiliation on Election Day under certain circumstances, see N.H. ___

    Stat. Ann. 654:7-a & 654:7-b (Supp. 1994), election

    supervisors or town clerks (who are themselves elected officials)

    handle such matters. See N.H. Stat. Ann. 654:8 (1986). Every ___

    recognized political party, regardless of size or previous

    electoral success, may appoint a "challenger of voters" at any

    polling place who may stand within the guardrail to "see and hear

    each voter as he offers to vote." Id. 666:4. ___
    ____________________

    3In primary elections, a ballot clerk must give a voter who
    has declared her party affiliation the ballot of that party. See ___
    N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. 659:14(I) (1994 Supp.). Exceptions are
    made only when a declared voter wishes to support a party that
    did not have official existence when the voter declared her party
    loyalty (and then only in the primary election immediately
    following the party's official recognition) or when the voter is
    undeclared and the party's rules allow such a voter to
    participate in its primary. See id. ___ ___

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    After the polls close, the town moderator oversees the

    counting of votes. See id. 659:60 & 659:61. Although the ___ ___

    palsgrave is held in public, see id. 659:63, only persons ___ ___

    holding official positions may take part in tallying ballots.

    See id. 659:60. Election inspectors sometimes participate in ___ ___

    this process. Once the votes have been tallied, the moderator

    announces the final results, see id. 659:70, and a formal ___ ___

    election return is prepared by the town clerk and forwarded to

    the Secretary of State. See id. 659:74 & 659:75. Members of ___ ___

    the public may inspect the return. Candidates may call for

    recounts, see id. 660:1-6 & 665:6(II), and the New Hampshire ___ ___

    Ballot Law Commission has jurisdiction to "hear and determine all

    disputes involving alleged violations of New Hampshire election

    laws of a non-criminal nature for which no specific statutory

    appeal procedure has already been provided." Id. 665:7. ___

    Moreover, election officials are subject to criminal penalties

    for ballot tampering, falsifying returns, or the like. See, ___

    e.g., id. 666:1-3. ____ ___

    IV. ANALYSIS IV. ANALYSIS

    We subdivide our analysis into four segments.

    A A

    It is apodictic that the right to vote is a right that

    helps to preserve all other rights. As Chief Justice Warren put

    it: "The right to vote freely for the candidate of one's choice

    is of the essence of a democratic society, and any restrictions

    on that right strike at the heart of representative government."


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    Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 555 (1964); see also Wesberry v. ________ ____ ___ ____ ________

    Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 17 (1964) ("Other rights, even the most _______

    basic, are illusory if the right to vote is undermined.").

    Nonetheless, the right to vote is not absolute. See Burdick v. ___ _______

    Takushi, 112 S. Ct. 2059, 2063 (1992). "[A]s a practical matter, _______

    there must be a substantial regulation of elections if they are

    to be fair and honest and if some sort of order, rather than

    chaos, is to accompany the democratic process." Storer v. Brown, ______ _____

    415 U.S. 724, 730 (1974). To that end, each state retains the

    authority to regulate state and local elections and to prescribe

    the duties and qualifications of persons who work at the polls,

    and the manner in which they will be selected. See Sugarman v. ___ ________

    Dougall, 413 U.S. 634, 647 (1973); see also U.S. Const. Art. I, _______ ___ ____

    4, cl. 1 (directing that states shall prescribe "[t]he Times,

    Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and

    Representatives").

    To be sure, this authority to regulate elections is not

    unfettered. At a minimum, states cannot wield their regulatory

    power in ways that contravene the First and Fourteenth Amendment

    rights of their citizens. See Tashjian v. Republican Party of ___ ________ ___________________

    Conn., 479 U.S. 208, 217 (1986). As courts review states' _____

    regulatory efforts and strive to distinguish between permissible

    regulation and impermissible abridgment of voters' rights, the

    level of scrutiny looms large. The plaintiffs insist that a law

    imposing any burden (however modest) upon the right to vote is ___

    always subject to strict scrutiny. We do not agree.


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    The Supreme Court has eschewed a hard-and-fast rule,

    and instead has adopted a flexible framework for testing the

    validity of election regulations. See Burdick, 112 S. Ct. at ___ _______

    2063; Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U.S. 780, 789 (1983); Storer, ________ __________ ______

    415 U.S. at 730.

    Under the prescribed framework, the level of scrutiny to be

    applied corresponds roughly to the degree to which a challenged

    regulation encumbers First and Fourteenth Amendment rights.

    Consequently, a court weighing a challenge to a state election

    law must start by assessing "the character and magnitude of the

    asserted injury" to the plaintiff's constitutionally protected

    rights and then "evaluate the precise interests put forward by

    the State as justifications for the burden imposed by its rule."

    Anderson, 460 U.S. at 789; accord Libertarian Party of Me. v. ________ ______ _________________________

    Diamond, 992 F.2d 365, 370 (1st Cir. 1993) (explaining that the _______

    court must attempt to achieve a sort of "constitutional

    equilibrium"). In this process the court must take into account,

    among other things, "the extent to which those interests make it

    necessary to burden the plaintiff's rights." Id. The Burdick ___ _______

    Court crystallized the applicable standard of inquiry:

    Under this standard, the rigorousness of
    [the] inquiry into the propriety of a state
    election law depends upon the extent to which
    a challenged regulation burdens First and
    Fourteenth Amendment rights. Thus, as we
    have recognized when those rights are subject
    to severe restrictions, the regulation must
    be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest
    of compelling importance. But when a state
    election law provision imposes only
    reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions
    upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment

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    rights of voters, the State's important
    regulatory interests are generally sufficient
    to justify the restrictions.

    Burdick, 112 S. Ct. at 2063-64 (citations and internal quotation _______

    marks omitted).

    B B

    Against this backdrop, we proceed to consider the

    specifics of the plaintiffs' challenge. In performing this

    tamisage, we are cognizant that their claim is not that the state

    misapplied New Hampshire law, but, rather, that the method of

    staffing the polls dictated by that law is itself

    constitutionally infirm. Thus, we regard the plaintiffs'

    challenge as a facial attack on the statutory scheme (and,

    indeed, they have conceded this point).

    The plaintiffs' facial challenge is susceptible to

    further refinement. They do not contend that the statutory

    scheme directly prevents members of less successful political

    parties, like the Libertarians, from ballot access either as

    candidates or as voters. Instead, their claim is on a more

    sophisticated level; they say that restricting the right to

    appoint election inspectors and ballot clerks to the two most

    popular parties deprives members of recognized third parties of

    their right to free political association, and invidiously

    discriminates against them on the basis of their political

    affiliation. Stripped of its rhetorical trappings, this argument

    amounts to nothing less than a declaration that Libertarians have

    a constitutional right to be represented at the polls by election


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    inspectors and ballot clerks of their own party to ensure that

    Libertarian votes are counted. In the plaintiffs' view,

    Democrats and Republicans are not to be trusted in this regard

    because they are unconcerned with the protection of Libertarian

    interests and, if left alone, they will likely overlook

    Libertarian ballots through lassitude, misfeasance, incompetence,

    and the like.

    In addressing this claim we must first set to rest a

    straw man. There is simply no abstract constitutional right to

    be appointed to serve as an election inspector or ballot clerk.

    See, e.g., Rhode Island Minority Caucus, Inc., v. Baronian, 590 ___ ____ ___________________________________ ________

    F.3d 372, 376 (1st Cir. 1979). Although the right to vote

    certainly includes the right to have one's vote counted, see ___

    United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, 386 (1915), nothing on the _____________ ______

    face of the New Hampshire statutes deprives Libertarian Party

    members of that right.

    We turn next to an assessment of the extent to which

    the challenged statutes burden the First and Fourteenth Amendment

    rights of Libertarians.4 We find the burden to be slight.

    In the first place, New Hampshire's regulation is

    nondiscriminatory, that is, it does not differentiate among
    ____________________

    4In conducting our evaluation, we do not distinguish between
    the burdens placed on the rights of the Libertarian Party and
    those placed on the rights of voters who wish to cast their
    ballots for that party's candidates. As a general matter,
    political parties purport to represent the interests of their
    supporters, and "the rights of voters and the rights of
    candidates do not lend themselves to neat separation." Burdick, _______
    112 S. Ct. at 2065-66 (quoting Bullock v. Carter, 405 U.S. 132, _______ ______
    143 (1972)).

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    Republicans, Democrats, and Libertarians. Instead, the

    regulation conditions the right to appoint election inspectors

    and ballot clerks on a certain degree of success at the polls.

    Distinguishing between recognized political parties based on past

    electoral accomplishment is not per se invidiously

    discriminatory. See, e.g., American Party of Texas v. White, 415 ___ ____ _______________________ _____

    U.S. 767, 781 (1974) (holding that it is not invidious

    discrimination for a state to grant minor parties official

    recognition, but deny them the right to hold primaries even

    though the main political parties are so entitled). So here:

    the Libertarian Party has exactly the same opportunity to qualify

    as a source of election inspectors and ballot clerks under New

    Hampshire law as does any other party. Equality of opportunity

    exists, and equality of opportunity not equality of outcomes

    is the linchpin of what the Constitution requires in this type of

    situation. As the Court explained:

    The fact is that there are obvious
    differences in kind between the needs and
    potentials of a political party with
    historically established broad support, on
    the one hand, and a new or small political
    organization on the other . . . . Sometimes
    the grossest discrimination can lie in
    treating things that are different as though
    they were exactly alike.

    Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U.S. 431, 441-42 (1971). _______ _______

    In the second place, the New Hampshire law has no

    direct impact on ballot access, on the right to vote, or on the

    right to have one's vote tallied. It is generally thought that

    indirect effects are less burdensome than direct restraints, cf. ___


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    Dole v. South Dakota, 483 U.S. 203, 210 (1987) (discussing, in ____ ____________

    connection with Congress' spending powers, "the indirect

    achievement of objectives which Congress is not empowered to

    achieve directly"), and that generalization holds true here.

    In the third place, even these indirect effects are not

    discernible here. The record evidence offers no reason to

    believe that minority parties are at special or undue risk

    because they have no right to appoint election inspectors and

    ballot clerks. The law affords a panoply of other safeguards for

    minority parties (e.g., appointing a challenger of voters, see ___

    N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. 666:4), and ultimate control over voting

    places rests with elected officials. To cinch matters, there is

    no showing of systematic discrimination against minority parties

    in the casting and tallying of votes, and mere suspicion or

    paranoia is too flimsy a foundation on which to rest a claim of

    incipient fraud or mistake.5

    In fine, the "burden" to which the plaintiffs allude

    that Libertarian ballots will not be counted unless Libertarian

    election inspectors and ballot clerks are on the prowl is

    purely conjectural. To hold otherwise would require us to

    conclude, without a shred of competent evidence, that election

    officials in New Hampshire are unscrupulous individuals who will

    breach the public trust in order to serve the interests of a
    ____________________

    5The plaintiffs conceded below that none of the mishaps to
    which they alluded, see supra note 1, were part of a concerted ___ _____
    plan to deprive Libertarians of the right to vote. There is,
    moreover, no showing that similar gaffes have not afflicted
    Republican and/or Democratic voters from time to time.

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    political party, and, moreover, that Democrats and Republicans

    will put aside their historic enmity so that, together, they may

    repress third parties. We refuse to indulge so cynical a view of

    the electoral process.

    C C

    Having analyzed the nature of the burdens imposed, we

    now proceed to ascertain the level of scrutiny that we must

    apply. See Burdick, 112 S. Ct. at 2064; Anderson, 460 U.S. at ___ _______ ________

    789. We recognize, of course, that every provision of an

    election code, even those that govern the voting process as

    opposed to those that govern ballot access or eligibility of

    candidates, "inevitably affects at least to some degree the

    individual's right to vote and his right to associate with others

    for political ends." Anderson, 460 U.S. at 788. But different ________

    provisions of an election code may burden rights unequally, and

    we believe that the impediment which New Hampshire law imposes in

    respect to the selection of election inspectors and ballot clerks

    is relatively minor. Given the character and magnitude (or, more

    aptly put, lack of magnitude) of the alleged injury to the

    plaintiffs' First and Fourteenth Amendment rights, we conclude

    that the defendants need only show that the enactment of the

    regulation had a rational basis. See, e.g., Coalition for ___ ____ ______________

    Sensible and Humane Solutions v. Wamser, 771 F.2d 395, 399 (8th _____________________________ ______

    Cir. 1985); Baer v. Meyer, 728 F.2d 471, 476 (10th Cir. 1984) ____ _____

    (per curiam); Piricin v. Board of Elections, 368 F. Supp. 64, 71 _______ __________________




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    (N.D. Ohio) (three-judge court), aff'd mem., 414 U.S. 990 _____ ____

    (1973).6

    Our decision in Rhode Island Minority Caucus, 590 F.2d _____________________________

    372, is not to the contrary. There the plaintiffs alleged that

    the Board of Canvassers of the City of Providence

    unconstitutionally conditioned appointment as a voter registrar

    upon membership in or affiliation with one of three political

    organizations. See id. at 376. The district court denied the ___ ___

    plaintiffs' motion for a preliminary injunction mainly on the

    ground that the plaintiffs had no probability of success on the

    merits. See id. at 373-74. We affirmed on a different ground ___ ___

    that there was no showing of irreparable harm, see id. at 374 ___ ___

    and added:

    [The state] may not abridge fundamental
    First Amendment rights of speech and
    association without establishing that such an
    infringement is necessary to achieve a vital
    state interest . . . .
    So viewed, but without prejudging the
    issue, it appears that plaintiffs raise a
    substantial first amendment question.

    Id. at 376-77. The panel made clear, however, that it was for ___

    the district court to determine "the extent to which plaintiffs'

    ____________________

    6We note that one district court apparently disagrees. In
    Iowa Socialist Party v. Slockett, 604 F. Supp. 1391 (D. Iowa _____________________ ________
    1985), a handful of minor third parties contended that appointing
    mobile deputy registrars solely from persons nominated by the
    county chairmen of the two major political parties violated their
    constitutional rights. See id. at 1392. As we do here, the ___ ___
    district court concluded that the burden imposed by the
    regulation was "relatively minor." Id. at 1397. The court ___
    nonetheless proceeded to apply strict scrutiny and invalidated
    the law. See id. at 1396-98. We find this aspect of the court's ___ ___
    reasoning unpersuasive.

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    associational rights have been abridged, the burden, if any, the

    Board must bear in justifying that abridgment, and whether in

    fact the Board can meet that burden." Id. at 377. Fairly read, ___

    Rhode Island Minority Caucus is not inconsistent with our holding ____________________________

    today.

    D D

    Using rationality review we conclude that the state has

    justified the regulation. The defendants rely principally on New

    Hampshire's interest in limiting the number of election officials

    to manageable proportions in order to enhance administrative

    efficiency and thereby safeguard against mistakes and fraud. Too

    many cooks, the defendants say, will spoil the broth. The

    assertion makes good sense.

    The state has a valid interest in preserving the

    integrity and reliability of the electoral process. See, e.g., ___ ____

    American Party, 415 U.S. at 782 n.14; Coalition for Sensible and _______________ __________________________

    Humane Solutions, 771 F.2d at 399. It is certainly reasonable to ________________

    assume that, at some point, "more" is not "better." Common sense

    suggests that if election inspectors and ballot clerks become too

    numerous, they will merely get in each other's way and thus

    frustrate the moderator's ability to afford close supervision.7
    ____________________

    7A fair parallel can be drawn to ballot access cases in
    which the Court has acknowledged that the "important state
    interest . . . in avoiding confusion, deception, and even
    frustration of the democratic process" can be served by limiting
    ballot access based on "some preliminary showing of a significant
    modicum of support." Jenness, 403 U.S. at 442. We believe that _______
    this reasoning extends to the state's strivings to promote
    efficiency and orderliness at the polls through limitations on
    the number of persons who are permitted to work inside the rail.

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    Cf. Rudyard Kipling, Rewards & Fairies 73 (1910) (suggesting that ___ _________________

    one should keep no more cats than will catch mice). Within wide

    margins the place at which to draw the line in other words, the

    ideal size of the complement is for the state to determine.

    See, e.g., Anderson, 460 U.S. at 788 n.9 (observing that states ___ ____ ________

    have broad discretion to set minimum requirements restricting the

    number of candidates appearing on the ballot).

    The plaintiffs' riposte is to suggest that New

    Hampshire must demonstrate that adding Libertarians as election

    inspectors and ballot clerks would actually cause confusion, or, ________

    put another way, that this increment would be the straw that

    broke the back of the dromedary of administrative efficacy. That

    suggestion vastly exaggerates the state's burden. See Munro v. ___ _____

    Socialist Workers Party, 479 U.S. 189, 195-96 (1986) (rejecting a _______________________

    similar claim on the basis that "[s]uch a requirement would

    necessitate that a State's political system sustain some level of

    damage before the legislature could take corrective action").

    States are free to head off potential problems in the electoral

    system before they materialize, as long as the solutions that the

    state devises are reasonable and do not significantly intrude on

    constitutionally protected rights. See id. New Hampshire's ___ ___

    solution which involves restricting the number of persons

    behind the rail at polling places, and puts the responsibility

    for appointing those persons in the hands of the two political

    parties that have proven most successful in the recent past at

    earning the electorate's trust is a reasonable response to an


    16












    authentic problem.

    We hold that New Hampshire's method of selecting

    election inspectors and ballot clerks is a rational means of

    advancing the state's interest in dispelling confusion, warding

    off fraud, and ensuring administrative efficiency at the polls.

    See Baer, 728 F.2d at 476 (applying rational basis review and ___ ____

    upholding regulation that did not uniformly allow all political

    parties to appoint poll observers); Piricin, 368 F. Supp. at 71 _______

    (applying rational basis review and upholding regulation

    permitting membership of boards of elections to be drawn solely

    from parties garnering the two highest vote totals); see also ___ ____

    Bishop v. Lomenzo, 350 F. Supp. 576, 588-89 (E.D.N.Y. 1972) ______ _______

    (three-judge court) (suggesting that regulation requiring

    volunteer deputy registrars to be enrolled members of the

    Republican or Democratic parties merited only rational basis

    review, but concluding that law survived strict scrutiny on basis

    that regulation reduced risk of "fraud or irregularity that might

    exist if registration by [only] one party or by an independent

    were permitted"). While other methods of selecting these

    officials, or a somewhat different numerical formula, might also

    serve, the state is free to choose from among the universe of

    constitutionally acceptable alternatives.

    IV. CONCLUSION IV. CONCLUSION

    We need go no further.8 Since New Hampshire's grant
    ____________________

    8The plaintiffs' Equal Protection argument is unworthy of
    separate discussion. This argument does not rest on a challenge
    to New Hampshire's requirements for achieving official
    recognition as a political party, but, rather, on the thesis that
    once a party attains official status under state law, the state
    may not draw distinctions between it and other recognized

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    of a monopoly over the appointment of election inspectors and

    ballot clerks to the two most popular political parties is

    justified by legitimate state interests and imposes only a modest

    burden on the plaintiffs' First and Fourteenth Amendment rights,

    it is constitutional. Nothing succeeds like success, and the

    Libertarian Party has the same opportunity as its better-known

    competitors to attract voters to its standard, finish in one of

    the top two spots in a gubernatorial election, and thereafter

    play a more active role in the mechanics of the electoral

    process. But under New Hampshire law that success is to be won

    at the polls rather than in a federal court.



    Affirmed. Affirmed. ________


























    ____________________

    political parties. The thesis is untenable. See American Party, ___ ______________
    415 U.S. at 781.

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