Arnold Davis v. Guam , 932 F.3d 822 ( 2019 )


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  •                  FOR PUBLICATION
    UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
    FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT
    ARNOLD DAVIS, on behalf of himself        No. 17-15719
    and all others similarly situated,
    Plaintiff-Appellee,      D.C. No.
    1:11-cv-00035
    v.
    GUAM; GUAM ELECTION                        OPINION
    COMMISSION; ALICE M. TAIJERON;
    MARTHA C. RUTH; JOSEPH F. MESA;
    JOHNNY P. TAITANO; JOSHUA F.
    RENORIO; DONALD I. WEAKLEY;
    LEONARDO M. RAPADAS,
    Defendants-Appellants.
    Appeal from the United States District Court
    for the District of Guam
    Frances Tydingco-Gatewood, Chief District Judge,
    Presiding
    Argued and Submitted October 10, 2018
    University of Hawaii Manoa
    Filed July 29, 2019
    Before: Kim McLane Wardlaw, Marsha S. Berzon,
    and Johnnie B. Rawlinson, Circuit Judges.
    Opinion by Judge Berzon
    2                        DAVIS V. GUAM
    SUMMARY *
    Civil Rights / Fifteenth Amendment
    The panel affirmed the district court’s summary
    judgment in favor of plaintiff, a Guam resident, who
    challenged a provision of Guam’s 2000 Plebiscite Law that
    restricted voting to “Native Inhabitants of Guam.”
    Guam’s 2000 Plebiscite Law provided for a “political
    status plebiscite” to determine the official preference of the
    “Native Inhabitants of Guam” regarding Guam’s political
    relationship with the United States. Plaintiff alleged, among
    other things, that the provision of that law restricting voting
    to “Native Inhabitants of Guam” constituted an
    impermissible racial classification in violation of the
    Fifteenth Amendment, which provides that the right of a
    United States citizen to vote shall not be denied or abridged
    by the United States or by any State on account of race, color
    or previous condition of servitude.
    The panel first rejected Guam’s contention that the
    Fifteenth Amendment was inapplicable to the plebiscite
    because that vote will not decide a public issue but rather
    requires Guam to transmit the results of the plebiscite to
    Congress, the President and the United Nations. The panel
    held that despite its limited immediate impact, the results of
    the planned plebiscite commit the Guam government to take
    specified actions and thereby constitute a decision on a
    public issue for Fifteenth Amendment purposes.
    *
    This summary constitutes no part of the opinion of the court. It
    has been prepared by court staff for the convenience of the reader.
    DAVIS V. GUAM                        3
    The panel applied Rice v. Cayetano, 
    528 U.S. 495
    (2000), and Davis v. Commonwealth Election Comm’n, 
    844 F.3d 1087
     (9th Cir. 2016), which respectively invalidated
    laws in Hawaii and the Commonwealth of the Northern
    Mariana Islands limiting voting in certain elections to
    descendants of particular indigenous groups because those
    provisions employed ancestry as a proxy for race in violation
    of the Fifteenth Amendment. The panel held that Guam’s
    2000 Plebiscite Law suffered from the same constitutional
    flaw. The panel determined that history and context
    confirmed that the “Native Inhabitants of Guam” voter
    eligibility restriction so closely paralleled a racial
    classification as to be a proxy for race. The panel therefore
    concluded that its use as a voting qualification violated the
    Fifteenth Amendment as extended by Congress to Guam.
    COUNSEL
    Julian Aguon (argued), Special Assistant Attorney General;
    Kenneth Orcutt, Deputy Attorney General; Office of the
    Attorney General, Tamuning, Guam; for Defendants-
    Appellants.
    Lucas C. Townsend (argued); Douglas R. Cox, Gibson Dunn
    & Crutcher LLP, Washington, D.C.; J. Christian Adams,
    Election Law Center PLLC, Alexandria, Virginia; Michael
    E. Rosman, Center for Individual Rights, Washington, D.C.;
    Mun Su Park, Law Offices of Park & Associates, Tamuning,
    Guam; for Plaintiff-Appellee.
    Dayna J. Zolle, Attorney; Civil Rights Division, United
    States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.; for Amicus
    Curiae United States.
    4                        DAVIS V. GUAM
    OPINION
    BERZON, Circuit Judge:
    Guam’s 2000 Plebiscite Law provides for a “political
    status plebiscite” to determine the official preference of the
    “Native Inhabitants of Guam” regarding Guam’s political
    relationship with the United States. Guam Pub. L. No. 25-
    106 (2000). Our question is whether the provisions of that
    law restricting voting to “Native Inhabitants of Guam”
    constitutes an impermissible racial classification in violation
    of the Fifteenth Amendment. 1
    Rice v. Cayetano, 
    528 U.S. 495
     (2000), and Davis v.
    Commonwealth Election Comm’n, 
    844 F.3d 1087
     (9th Cir.
    2016), respectively invalidated laws in Hawaii and the
    Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands limiting
    voting in certain elections to descendants of particular
    indigenous groups because those provisions employed
    “[a]ncestry [as] a proxy for race” in violation of the Fifteenth
    Amendment. Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 514
    . Guam’s 2000 Plebiscite
    Law suffers from the same constitutional flaw. History and
    context confirm that the “Native Inhabitants of Guam” voter
    eligibility restriction so closely parallels a racial
    classification as to be a proxy for race. Its use as a voting
    qualification therefore violates the Fifteenth Amendment as
    extended by Congress to Guam.
    1
    Because we affirm the district court on Fifteenth Amendment
    grounds, we do not address Davis’s arguments that the 2000 Plebiscite
    Law violates the Fourteenth Amendment, the Voting Rights Act, and the
    Organic Act of Guam.
    DAVIS V. GUAM                           5
    I
    The factual background of this case is intertwined with
    the history of Guam (the “Territory”), of its indigenous
    people, and of its colonization. We recognize that this
    history, like history in general, is subject to contestation both
    as to exactly what happened in the past and as to the
    interpretation of even well-established facts. We do not
    attempt to settle those debates. “Our more limited role, in the
    posture of this particular case, is to recount events as
    understood by the lawmakers, thus ensuring that we accord
    proper appreciation to their purposes in adopting the policies
    and laws at issue.” Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 500
    .
    Guam has long been inhabited by an indigenous people,
    commonly referred to as Chamorro. See William L. Wuerch
    & Dirk Anthony Ballendorf, Historical Dictionary of Guam
    and Micronesia 40–44 (The Scarecrow Press, Inc. 1994);
    Developments in the Law, Chapter Four: Guam and the
    Case for Federal Deference, 
    130 Harv. L. Rev. 1704
    , 1722
    (2017). Beginning in the sixteenth century, Spain colonized
    Guam. Then, in 1899, after the Spanish-American war,
    Spain ceded Guam to the United States through Article II of
    the 1898 Treaty of Paris. Until 1950, Guam remained under
    the control of the U.S. Navy, except for a Japanese
    occupation from 1941 through 1944. See Guam v. Guerrero,
    
    290 F.3d 1210
    , 1214 (9th Cir. 2002). In 1950, responding to
    petitions from Guam’s inhabitants, Congress passed the
    Organic Act of Guam. Pub. L. No. 81-630, 
    64 Stat. 384
    (1950) (codified at 
    48 U.S.C. §§ 1421
    –24) (“Organic Act”).
    The Organic Act (1) designated Guam as an
    unincorporated territory of the United States subject to
    Congress’s plenary power, 48 U.S.C. § 1421a;
    (2) established executive, legislative, and judicial branches
    of government for the Territory, id. §§ 1422–24, as well as a
    6                        DAVIS V. GUAM
    limited Bill of Rights modeled after portions of the Bill of
    Rights in the Federal Constitution, id. § 1421b; 2 and
    (3) extended U.S. citizenship to three categories of people:
    (a)(1): All inhabitants of the island of Guam
    on April 11, 1899, including those
    temporarily absent from the island on that
    date, who were Spanish subjects, who after
    that date continued to reside in Guam or other
    territory over which the United States
    exercises sovereignty, and who have taken no
    affirmative steps to preserve or acquire
    foreign nationality[, and their children.]
    (a)(2): All persons born in the island of Guam
    who resided in Guam on April 11, 1899,
    including those temporarily absent from the
    island on that date, who after that date
    continued to reside in Guam or other territory
    over which the United States exercises
    sovereignty, and who have taken no
    affirmative steps to preserve or acquire
    foreign nationality[, and their children.]
    (b): All persons born in the island of Guam
    on or after April 11, 1899 . . . Provided, That
    in the case of any person born before the date
    of enactment of [the Organic Act], he has
    2
    Absent an act of Congress, federal constitutional rights do not
    automatically apply to unincorporated territories. Guerrero, 
    290 F.3d at 1214
    . In 1968, Congress amended the Organic Act to extend certain
    federal constitutional rights to Guam, including the Fifteenth
    Amendment. See 48 U.S.C. § 1421b(u).
    DAVIS V. GUAM                        7
    taken no affirmative steps to preserve or
    acquire foreign nationality.
    
    8 U.S.C. § 1407
     (1952), repealed by Pub. L. No. 82-414,
    §§ 101(a)(38), 301(a)(1) 
    66 Stat. 163
    , 171, 235 (1952)
    (codified at 
    8 U.S.C. §§ 1101
    (a)(38), 1401(a)).
    According to the 1950 Census—which derived its racial
    categories from “that which is commonly accepted by the
    general public”—the Chamorro population comprised the
    single largest racial group in Guam at the time (45.6%). See
    U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population: 1950, Vol.
    II at 54–46 tbl. 36 (1953) (“1950 Census”). The second
    largest racial group was White (38.5%), and the rest of the
    population was Filipino, Chinese, or other races. Virtually
    all non-Chamorro people residing in the Territory were
    either already U.S. citizens (99.4% of all Whites were U.S.
    citizens) or were born outside the jurisdiction of the United
    States and therefore likely not citizens by authority of the
    Organic Act (e.g., 94.4% of Filipinos were non-citizens). As
    of 1950, 98.6% of all non-citizens in Guam were Chamorro.
    
    Id.
     at 54–49 tbl. 38.
    The citizenship provisions of the Organic Act were in
    force for less than two years. In 1952, Congress enacted the
    Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 (“INA”), which,
    among other things, repealed the citizenship provisions of
    the Organic Act, see Pub. L. No. 82-414, § 403(a)(42), 
    66 Stat. 163
    , 280, and conferred U.S. citizenship on all persons
    born in Guam after passage of the new INA. See 
    id.
    §§ 101(a)(38), 301(a)(1), 
    66 Stat. 163
    , 171, 235 (codified at
    
    8 U.S.C. §§ 1101
    (a)(38), 1401(a)).
    In the decades following passage of the Organic Act,
    some of Guam’s inhabitants continued to advocate for more
    political autonomy. Those efforts eventually resulted in,
    8                          DAVIS V. GUAM
    among other things, “An Act to Establish the Chamorro
    Registry,” enacted by the Guam legislature in 1996. Guam
    Pub. L. No. 23-130, § 1 (codified as amended at 
    3 Guam Code Ann. §§ 18001
    –31) (“Registry Act”), repealed in part
    by Guam Pub. L. No. 25-106 (2000). The Registry Act
    created a registry of “Chamorro individuals, families, and
    their descendants.” 
    Id.
     § 1. It referred to the “Chamorro” as
    the “indigenous people of Guam” who possess “a distinct
    language and culture.” Id. 3 The Act’s stated purpose was for
    the registry to “assist in the process of heightening local
    awareness among the people of Guam of the current struggle
    3
    Another section of the Registry Act defined “Chamorro”:
    (a) Chamorro means those persons defined by
    the U.S. Congress in Section IV of the Organic
    Act of Guam . . . and their descendants:
    (1) All inhabitants of the island of Guam on
    April 11, 1899, including those temporarily
    absent from the island on that date, who were
    Spanish subjects, who after that date
    continued to reside in Guam or other territory
    over which the United States exercises
    sovereignty, and have taken no affirmative
    steps to preserve or acquire foreign
    nationality; and
    (2) All persons born in the island of Guam,
    who resided in Guam on April 11, 1899,
    including those temporarily absent from the
    island on that date, who after that date
    continued to reside in Guam or other territory
    over which the United States exercises
    sovereignty, and who have taken no
    affirmative steps to preserve or acquire
    foreign nationality.
    Registry Act § 20001(a).
    DAVIS V. GUAM                        9
    for Commonwealth, of the identity of the indigenous
    Chamorro people of Guam, and of the role that Chamorros
    and succeeding generations play in the island’s cultural
    survival and in Guam’s political evolution towards self-
    government.” Id.
    One year later, the Guam legislature established the
    “Commission on Decolonization for the Implementation and
    Exercise of Chamorro Self-Determination,” Guam Pub. L.
    No. 23-147 (1997) (codified at 
    1 Guam Code Ann. §§ 2101
    –
    15) (“1997 Plebiscite Law”), repealed in part by Guam Pub.
    L. No. 25-106 (2000). The Legislature established the
    Commission on Decolonization “in the interest of the will of
    the people of Guam, desirous to end colonial discrimination
    and address long-standing injustice of [the Chamorro]
    people.” 
    Id.
     § 1. The purpose of the Commission on
    Decolonization was to “ascertain the desire of the Chamorro
    people of Guam as to their future political relationship with
    the United States.” Id. § 5. It was charged with writing
    position papers on the political status options for Guam and
    with conducting a public information campaign based on
    those papers. Id. §§ 6–9. The 1997 Plebiscite Law also called
    for a “political status plebiscite” during the next primary
    election, in which voters would be asked:
    In recognition of your right to self-
    determination, which of the following
    political status options do you favor?
    1. Independence
    2. Free Association
    3. Statehood
    10                        DAVIS V. GUAM
    Id. § 10. Voting in the plebiscite was to be limited to
    “Chamorro People,” defined as “[a]ll inhabitants of Guam in
    1898 and their descendants who have taken no affirmative
    steps to preserve or acquire foreign nationality.” Id. §§ 2(b),
    10. The Commission on Decolonization was then directed to
    “transmit [the results of the plebiscite] to the President and
    Congress of the United States and the Secretary General of
    the United Nations.” Id. § 5.
    Before the planned date of the self-determination
    plebiscite, the Supreme Court in Rice v. Cayetano
    invalidated a Hawaii law restricting the right to vote in
    certain elections to “Hawaiians,” defined as the descendants
    of people inhabiting the Hawaiian Islands in 1778. 
    528 U.S. at 499
    . A month after Rice was decided, the Guam legislature
    enacted the law at issue in this case. Guam Pub. L. No. 25-
    106 (2000) (codified at 
    3 Guam Code Ann. §§ 21000
    –31,
    
    1 Guam Code Ann. §§ 2101
    –15) (“2000 Plebiscite Law”).
    The 2000 Plebiscite Law contains several interrelated
    provisions: First, it leaves the Registry Act intact and creates
    a separate “Guam Decolonization Registry” in which those
    voters qualified for the new political status plebiscite would
    be listed. 4 
    3 Guam Code Ann. §§ 21000
    , 21026. Those
    4
    The 2000 Plebiscite Law modified the definition of “Chamorro” in
    the Registry Act, to the following:
    (a) ‘Chamorro’ shall mean:
    (1) all inhabitants of the Island of Guam on April
    11, 1899, including those temporarily absent from
    the Island on that date and who were Spanish
    subjects; and
    DAVIS V. GUAM                       11
    qualified to register, and therefore to vote, in the plebiscite
    must be “Native Inhabitants of Guam,” defined as “those
    persons who became U.S. Citizens by virtue of the authority
    and enactment of the 1950 Organic Act of Guam and
    descendants of those persons.” 
    Id.
     § 21001(e).
    Second, the 2000 Plebiscite Law retains the Commission
    on Decolonization but amends portions of the 1997
    Plebiscite Law to replace all references to “Chamorro” with
    “Native Inhabitants of Guam.” 
    1 Guam Code Ann. §§ 2101
    –
    02, 2104–05, 2110. As revised, the law establishing a new
    plebiscite provides:
    The general purpose of the Commission on
    Decolonization shall be to ascertain the intent
    of the Native Inhabitants of Guam as to their
    future political relationship with the United
    States of America. Once the intent of the
    Native Inhabitants of Guam is ascertained,
    the Commission shall promptly transmit that
    desire to the President and the Congress of
    (2) all persons born on the Island of Guam prior
    to 1800, and their descendants, who resided on
    Guam on April 11, 1899, including those
    temporarily absent from the Island on that date,
    and their descendants;
    (i) ‘descendant’ means a person who has
    proceeded by birth, such as a child or
    grandchild, to the remotest degree, from any
    ‘Chamorro’ as defined above, and who is
    considered placed in a line of succession
    from such ancestor where such succession is
    by virtue of blood relations.
    2000 Plebiscite Law § 12.
    12                    DAVIS V. GUAM
    the United States of America, and to the
    Secretary General of the United Nations.
    Id. § 2105.
    Finally, the 2000 Plebiscite Law states that “[t]he intent
    of [the law] shall not be construed nor implemented by the
    government officials effectuating its provisions to be race
    based, but founded upon the classifications of persons as
    defined by the U.S. Congress in the 1950 Organic Act of
    Guam.” 
    3 Guam Code Ann. § 21000
    . Rather, the intent of
    the law is “to permit the native inhabitants of Guam, as
    defined by the U.S. Congress’ 1950 Organic Act of Guam to
    exercise the inalienable right to self-determination of their
    political relationship with the United States of America,” as
    that “right has never been afforded.” 
    Id.
    One subsequent amendment to the plebiscite relevant to
    this case followed. In 2010, the Guam legislature passed a
    law providing that individuals who received or had been
    preapproved for a Chamorro Land Trust Commission
    (“CLTC”) property lease would be automatically registered
    in the Guam Decolonization Registry. Guam Pub. L. No. 30-
    102, § 21002.1 (codified at 
    3 Guam Code Ann. § 21002.1
    ).
    The CLTC was created in 1975 to administer leases for lands
    that the United States had seized from Guam inhabitants
    during and after World War II and had later returned to the
    Guam government. See 
    Guam Pub. L. 12
    -226 (codified as
    amended at 
    21 Guam Code Ann. §§ 75101
    –75125). Persons
    eligible to receive CLTC leases must be “Native
    Chamorros,” defined as “any person who became a U.S.
    citizen by virtue of the authority and enactment of the
    Organic Act of Guam or descendants of such person.”
    
    21 Guam Code Ann. §§ 75101
    (d), 75107(a).
    DAVIS V. GUAM                         13
    Arnold Davis, a non-Chamorro resident of Guam, sought
    to register for the Guam Decolonization Registry and
    thereby to qualify as a voter in the plebiscite. He was denied
    registration because he did not meet the definition of “Native
    Inhabitant of Guam.” Davis filed suit in 2011, challenging
    the 2000 Plebiscite Law on grounds that it violated the
    Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments of the Constitution,
    the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Organic Act.
    At the time the suit was filed, the plebiscite had not yet
    occurred, and no date was set for it to take place. Davis v.
    Guam, Civil Case No. 11-00035, 
    2013 WL 204697
    , *2–3
    (D. Guam 2013) (“Davis I”). Relying on the uncertain
    timing of the plebiscite, the district court initially dismissed
    the case for lack of standing and ripeness. Id. at *9. We
    reversed that dismissal on appeal, holding that Davis’s
    alleged unequal treatment was a sufficient injury to establish
    standing and that his claim was ripe because he adequately
    alleged that he was “currently being denied equal treatment
    under Guam law.” Davis v. Guam, 
    785 F.3d 1311
    , 1315–16
    (9th Cir. 2015) (“Davis II”).
    After remand to the district court the parties filed cross-
    motions for summary judgment. The district court granted
    Davis’s motion for summary judgment and permanently
    enjoined Guam from conducting a plebiscite restricting
    voters to Native Inhabitants of Guam. Davis v. Guam, No.
    CV 11-00035, 
    2017 WL 930825
    , at *1 (D. Guam 2017)
    (“Davis III”).
    The district court concluded, first, that the plebiscite was
    an election for Fifteenth Amendment purposes because the
    result of the vote would decide a public issue. Id. at *11.
    Next, the court determined that although “Native Inhabitants
    of Guam” is not an explicit racial classification, the history
    and structure of the 2000 Plebiscite Law reveal that “the very
    14                      DAVIS V. GUAM
    object of the statutory definition in question here . . . is to
    treat the Chamorro people as a ‘distinct people.’” Id. at *8
    (quoting Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 515
    ). The 2000 Plebiscite Law
    therefore used “ancestry as a proxy for race,” the district
    court held, in violation of the Fifteenth Amendment. 
    Id.
    The court also decided that the 2000 Plebiscite Law
    violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
    Amendment. Applying strict scrutiny, the court held the law
    was not narrowly tailored to a compelling state interest as all
    inhabitants of Guam, not just its “Native Inhabitants,” have
    an interest in the results of the plebiscite. 
    Id.
     at *12–*14. The
    district court concluded that less restrictive alternatives exist,
    including “conducting a poll with the assistance of the
    University of Guam.” Id. at *14.
    This appeal followed. “We review a district court’s
    decision on cross motions for summary judgment de novo.”
    Commonwealth Election Comm’n, 844 F.3d at 1091.
    II
    Congress has provided that the Fifteenth Amendment
    “shall have the same force and effect [in Guam] as in the
    United States.” 48 U.S.C. § 1421b(u); accord Davis II,
    785 F.3d at 1314 n.2. That Amendment provides: “The right
    of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or
    abridged by the United States or by any State on account of
    race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” U.S. Const.
    amend. XV, § 1. The Fifteenth Amendment is
    “comprehensive in reach,” and applies to “any election in
    which public issues are decided or public officials selected.”
    Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 512, 523
     (quoting Terry v. Adams, 
    345 U.S. 461
    , 468 (1953)).
    DAVIS V. GUAM                        15
    Guam argues that the Fifteenth Amendment is
    inapplicable to the plebiscite because that vote will not
    decide a public issue. It notes that the 2000 Plebiscite Law
    requires Guam to transmit the results of the plebiscite to
    Congress, the President, and the United Nations but will not,
    itself, create any change in the political status of the
    Territory. That is so. But, despite its limited immediate
    impact, the results of the planned plebiscite commit the
    Guam government to take specified actions and thereby
    constitute a decision on a public issue for Fifteenth
    Amendment purposes.
    We begin by noting that any suggestion that the Fifteenth
    Amendment be read restrictively should be viewed with
    skepticism. The right to vote is foundational in our
    democratic system. See Kramer v. Union Free Sch. Dist. No.
    15, 
    395 U.S. 621
    , 626 (1969); Harper v. Va. State Bd. of
    Elections, 
    383 U.S. 663
    , 667 (1966); Reynolds v. Sims,
    
    377 U.S. 533
    , 555 (1964). Protecting the franchise is
    “preservative of all rights,” because the opportunity to
    participate in the formation of government policies defines
    and enforces all other entitlements. Yick Wo v. Hopkins,
    
    118 U.S. 356
    , 370 (1886). “Other rights, even the most basic,
    are illusory if the right to vote is undermined.” Wesberry v.
    Sanders, 
    376 U.S. 1
    , 17 (1964). For that reason, the Fifteenth
    Amendment is “comprehensive in reach.” Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 512
    . The text of the Fifteenth Amendment states broadly
    that the right “to vote” shall not be denied. U.S. Const.
    amend. XV, § 1. It does not qualify the meaning of “vote” in
    any way. In light of the text and the unique importance of
    the Fifteenth Amendment, where there is any doubt about
    the Fifteenth Amendment’s boundaries we err on the side of
    inclusiveness.
    16                     DAVIS V. GUAM
    We have no need here to define the precise contours of
    what it means to “decide” a “public issue” under the
    Fifteenth Amendment. See Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 523
    . It is at least
    clear that the Amendment includes any government-held
    election in which the results commit a government to a
    particular course of action. That requirement is met here.
    First, the issue the 2000 Plebiscite Law would decide is
    public in nature. A basic premise of our representative
    democracy is “the critical postulate that sovereignty is vested
    in the people.” U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 
    514 U.S. 779
    , 794 (1995). Because the government “derives all its
    powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the
    people,” The Federalist No. 39, at 241 (James Madison)
    (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961), the government necessarily
    exercises authority on behalf of the public when it acts. In
    that sense, its actions are of public concern.
    The Supreme Court acknowledged this foundational
    principle in Terry v. Adams, which addressed a related
    question—whether an election held by a private organization
    constituted state action for purposes of the Fifteenth
    Amendment. Terry held that the Jaybird Democratic
    Association’s primary elections, which functionally
    determined the Democratic Party’s candidates for public
    office in a Texas county, violated the Fifteenth Amendment
    by excluding black voters. 
    345 U.S. at 470
     (plurality
    opinion). The Court concluded that although the Jaybird
    primaries were private in the sense that they were conducted
    by a private entity, they served a public function because
    they chose candidates for public office. The Jaybird
    primaries were therefore covered by the Fifteenth
    Amendment. 
    Id.
     at 469–70.
    A plurality of the Court explained this conclusion as
    follows: “Clearly the [Fifteenth] Amendment includes any
    DAVIS V. GUAM                        17
    election in which public issues are decided or public officials
    selected. Just as clearly the Amendment excludes social or
    business clubs.” 
    Id.
     at 468–69. Decades later, the Rice
    majority adopted the formulation of the Terry plurality—that
    the Fifteenth Amendment applies to “any election in which
    public issues are decided or public officials selected.”
    
    528 U.S. at 523
     (quoting Terry, 
    345 U.S. at 468
    ). This focus
    is confirmed by another passage in the Terry plurality
    opinion on which Rice relied. That passage specified that the
    Fifteenth Amendment establishes a right “not to be
    discriminated against as voters in elections to determine
    public governmental policies or to select public officials,
    national, state, or local.” 
    Id. at 514
     (emphasis added)
    (quoting Terry, 
    528 U.S. at 467
    ).
    In this case, the 2000 Plebiscite Law prescribes that the
    Commission on Decolonization—a governmental body—
    will make an official transmission to Congress, the
    President, and the United Nations, and the results of the
    plebiscite will determine the content of the message
    transmitted. See 
    1 Guam Code Ann. § 2105
    . What a
    governmental body will communicate to other governmental
    entities is assuredly a “public issue”—a matter of
    “governmental polic[y].” Terry, 
    345 U.S. at
    467–68.
    Second, the election called for by the 2000 Plebiscite
    Law commits Guam to a particular course of action: A
    governmental commission with prescribed duties would be
    bound to transmit the result of the plebiscite to the federal
    government and to the United Nations. By requiring the
    transmission of the plebiscite results, the 2000 Plebiscite
    Law mandates that the Commission on Decolonization take
    a public stance in support of the result. 3 Guam Ann. Code
    § 21000 (“It is the purpose of this legislation to seek the
    desires to those peoples who were given citizenship in 1950
    18                         DAVIS V. GUAM
    and to use this knowledge to further petition Congress and
    other entities to achieve the stated goals.”). So, regardless of
    whether the result of the plebiscite ultimately affects the
    political status of Guam, the plebiscite will “decide” a public
    issue—what position a governmental entity will advocate
    before domestic and international bodies.
    The plebiscite therefore will both concern a “public
    issue”—Guam’s official communication with other
    governmental bodies—and “decide” it, in that it will commit
    a governmental body to communicate the position
    determined by the plebiscite. Given these two features, the
    election is, under Rice, subject to the Fifteenth Amendment’s
    protection against racial restrictions on the right to vote.
    Were this plebiscite not covered by the Fifteenth
    Amendment, the scope of the Amendment’s prohibition on
    race-based voting restrictions in elections would be
    significantly narrowed. Elections regularly require a
    governmental body to take a stance on issues even though
    there may be no on-the-ground changes in policy. For
    example, state initiatives sometimes authorize permission to
    make a policy change, but the actual policy change is
    contingent on future occurrences. See, e.g., Proposition 7,
    Assemb. B. 807, 2017–2018 Leg., Reg. Sess. (Cal. 2018)
    (allowing the state legislature to vote to change daylight
    savings time, if the change is allowed by the federal
    government). 5 Moreover, in presidential elections, political
    5
    State statutory and constitutional limits govern what propositions
    can be the subject of state initiatives or referenda. See, e.g., Am. Fed’n
    of Labor v. Eu, 
    36 Cal. 3d 687
    , 703 (1984) (holding that a state initiative
    requiring the legislature to enact a resolution which did not itself change
    California law exceeded scope of the initiative power under the
    California Constitution); Harper v. Waltermire, 
    213 Mont. 425
    , 428
    (1984) (same with respect to Montana initiative under the Montana
    DAVIS V. GUAM                              19
    parties in several states employ nonbinding primaries, in
    which primary voters may express their preference for a
    candidate but the delegates to a party’s national convention
    are not, technically, bound by that preference. See Nathaniel
    Persily, Candidates v. Parties: The Constitutional
    Constraints on Primary Ballot Access Laws, 
    89 Geo. L.J. 2181
    , 2219 n.127 (2001). 6 Concluding that the Fifteenth
    Amendment only applies to elections triggering an
    immediate substantive action would exempt a broad
    category of elections from Fifteenth Amendment protection.
    We hold that Guam’s 2000 Plebiscite Law is subject to
    the requirements of the Fifteenth Amendment.
    III
    We turn to the core of the Fifteenth Amendment issue:
    Does the 2000 Plebiscite Law deny citizens the right to vote
    “on account of race?” U.S. Const. amend. XV, § 1. 7
    Constitution). Those limits are distinct from the question of whether the
    Fifteenth Amendment applies if an initiative or referendum is held.
    6
    We do not decide whether these elections are definitively subject
    to the requirements of the Fifteenth Amendment. We note them only as
    examples of the type of elections that might be affected if the Fifteenth
    Amendment applied only to elections that triggered immediate
    substantive outcomes.
    7
    We address only the constitutionality of the plebiscite under
    Section 1 of the Fifteenth Amendment. Our opinion affects neither
    Congress’s power under Section 2 to enact appropriate legislation
    enforcing the Amendment nor the analysis of voting restrictions under
    the Fourteenth Amendment, which may be subject to heightened scrutiny
    rather than an absolute bar. See, e.g., Harper, 
    383 U.S. at 667
     (holding
    that poll taxes in elections must be “carefully and meticulously
    scrutinized” under the Equal Protection Clause (citation omitted)).
    20                     DAVIS V. GUAM
    The Fifteenth Amendment’s prohibition on race-based
    voting restrictions is both fundamental and absolute. See
    Shaw v. Reno, 
    509 U.S. 630
    , 639 (1993). As “[t]here is no
    room under the Amendment for the concept that the right to
    vote in a particular election can be allocated based on race,”
    the levels of scrutiny applied to other constitutional
    restrictions are not pertinent to a race-based franchise
    limitation. Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 523
     (emphasis added). This
    clear-cut rule reflects the importance of the franchise as “the
    essence of a democratic society” and recognizes that “any
    restrictions on that right strike at the heart of representative
    government.” Reynolds, 
    377 U.S. at 555
    .
    Moreover, the Fifteenth Amendment applies with equal
    force regardless of the particular racial group targeted by the
    challenged law. Although originally enacted to guarantee
    emancipated slaves the right to vote after the Civil War, the
    generic language of the Fifteenth Amendment “transcend[s]
    the particular controversy which was the immediate impetus
    for its enactment.” Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 512
    . The Amendment’s
    prohibition on racial discrimination “grants protection to all
    persons, not just members of a particular race.” 
    Id.
     Its
    “mandate of neutrality” is thus straightforward and
    universal: “If citizens of one race having certain
    qualifications are permitted by law to vote, those of another
    having the same qualifications must be” permitted to vote as
    well. 
    Id.
     (quoting United States v. Reese, 
    92 U.S. 214
    , 218
    (1875)).
    Determining whether a law discriminates “on account of
    race” is not, however, always straightforward. Voting
    qualifications that, by their very terms, draw distinctions
    based on racial characteristics are of course prohibited. See
    Nixon v. Herndon, 
    273 U.S. 536
     (1927); South Carolina v.
    Katzenbach, 
    383 U.S. 301
    , 325 (1966) (collecting cases).
    DAVIS V. GUAM                        21
    But “[t]he (Fifteenth) Amendment nullifies sophisticated as
    well as simple-minded modes of discrimination.” Gomillion
    v. Lightfoot, 
    364 U.S. 339
    , 342 (1960) (quoting Lane v.
    Wilson, 
    307 U.S. 268
    , 275 (1939)). So, in addition to facial
    racial distinctions, classifications that are race neutral on
    their face but racial by design or application violate the
    Fifteenth Amendment.
    The well-established hallmarks of such discrimination
    for constitutional purposes are discriminatory intent, see
    Reno v. Bossier Par. Sch. Bd., 
    520 U.S. 471
    , 481–82 (1997);
    City of Mobile v. Bolden, 
    446 U.S. 55
    , 62–63 (1980)
    (plurality opinion), and discriminatory implementation, see
    Lassiter v. Northampton Cty. Bd. of Elections, 
    360 U.S. 45
    ,
    53 (1959) (“Of course a literacy test, fair on its face, may be
    employed to perpetuate that discrimination which the
    Fifteenth Amendment was designed to uproot.”).
    One category of facially neutral restrictions that runs
    afoul of the Fifteenth Amendment is a classification so
    closely intertwined with race that it is a “proxy for race,” as
    the Supreme Court found to be the case in Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 514
    . Rice addressed a voting qualification in statewide
    elections for the trustees of the Office of Hawaiian Affairs,
    a state agency that administers programs for the benefit of
    descendants of Native Hawaiians. 
    Id.
     at 498–99. The Hawaii
    Constitution limited voting in those elections to
    “Hawaiians,” defined by statute as “any descendant of the
    aboriginal peoples inhabiting the Hawaiian Islands which
    exercised sovereignty and subsisted in the Hawaiian Islands
    in 1778, and which peoples thereafter have continued to
    reside in Hawaii.” 
    Id. at 509
     (quoting 
    Haw. Rev. Stat. § 10
    -
    2). Rice held that the Hawaiian voting restriction was racial
    “in purpose and operation.” Id. at 516. It reasoned as
    follows:
    22                    DAVIS V. GUAM
    Ancestry can be a proxy for race. It is that
    proxy here. . . . For centuries Hawaii was
    isolated from migration. The inhabitants
    shared common physical characteristics, and
    by 1778 they had a common culture. Indeed,
    the drafters of the statutory definition in
    question emphasized the “unique culture of
    the ancient Hawaiians” in explaining their
    work. The provisions before us reflect the
    State’s effort to preserve that commonality of
    people to the present day. In the
    interpretation of the Reconstruction era civil
    rights laws we have observed that “racial
    discrimination” is that which singles out
    “identifiable classes of persons . . . solely
    because of their ancestry or ethnic
    characteristics.” Saint Francis Coll. v. Al-
    Khazraji, 
    481 U.S. 604
    , 613 (1987). The very
    object of the statutory definition in question
    and of its earlier congressional counterpart in
    the Hawaiian Homes Commission Act is to
    treat the early Hawaiians as a distinct people,
    commanding their own recognition and
    respect. The State, in enacting the legislation
    before us, has used ancestry as a racial
    definition and for a racial purpose.
    
    Id.
     at 514–15 (second alteration in original) (citations
    omitted).
    To confirm its conclusion, Rice looked to the history of
    the “Hawaiian” definition at issue and determined that
    previously proposed versions of the qualification had
    expressly referred to “Hawaiians” as a race. 
    Id.
     at 515–516.
    The Court concluded that removal of the “race” reference
    DAVIS V. GUAM                          23
    did not change the classification of individuals allowed to
    vote in the election. The voter qualification therefore
    remained race-based although it no longer proclaimed as
    such. Id. at 516. Rice provides key guidance for determining
    whether the 2000 Plebiscite Law’s restriction of the vote to
    “Native Inhabitants of Guam” is race-based.
    A
    Our first inquiry is whether, as Davis maintains, Rice
    held all classifications based on ancestry to be impermissible
    proxies for race. It did not.
    The Supreme Court selected its words carefully when it
    struck down the voting restrictions at issue in Rice. It stated
    that “[a]ncestry can be a proxy for race” in the context of the
    Fifteenth Amendment, not that it always is. Id. at 514
    (emphasis added).
    The Court’s determination that the challenged voting
    qualification’s use of ancestry “is that proxy here,” id., rested
    on the historical and legislative context of the particular
    classification at issue, not on the categorical principle that all
    ancestral classifications are racial classifications. The Court
    focused specifically on the fact that in 1778, the individuals
    inhabiting the Hawaiian Islands were a “distinct people”
    with common physical characteristics and shared culture. Id.
    at 515. Limiting the franchise to descendants of that distinct
    people, the Court reasoned, singled out individuals for
    special treatment based on their “ethnic characteristics and
    cultural traditions.” Id. at 515, 517. Rice buttressed that
    conclusion with evidence from the legislative history of the
    challenged statute, which referred to “Hawaiians” as a
    “race.” Id. at 516. In other words, the Court recognized that
    ancestral tracing can be a characteristic of a racial
    classification, but is not itself always sufficient to identify
    24                        DAVIS V. GUAM
    such a classification. And it concluded that the ancestral
    classification at issue was problematic because it operated as
    a race-based voting restriction. If the Court had meant to
    suggest that all classifications based on ancestry were
    impermissible, it would have had no need to examine the
    unique history of the descendants allowed to vote under the
    challenged law.
    Davis contends that one sentence in Rice indicates
    otherwise—that        all   ancestry     classifications    are
    impermissible        racial    classifications:      “‘[R]acial
    discrimination’ is that which singles out ‘identifiable classes
    of persons . . . solely because of their ancestry or ethnic
    characteristics.’” Id. at 515 (second alteration in original)
    (quoting Saint Francis Coll., 
    481 U.S. at 613
    ). But that
    interpretation wrenches the sentence in Rice from its context.
    Rice quoted Saint Francis Coll. to support its conclusion that
    the specific classification at issue in Rice was a racial
    classification. 8 After an exhaustive account of Hawaii’s
    8
    Saint Francis Coll. does not suggest that all ancestral
    classifications are racial ones either. That case addressed whether
    discrimination based specifically on “Arabian ancestry” constituted
    racial discrimination for purposes of 
    42 U.S.C. § 1981
    . 
    481 U.S. at 607
    .
    After recounting the legislative history of § 1981 and the understanding
    of race at the time the statute was passed in 1870, the Court concluded
    the following:
    Based on the history of § 1981, we have little trouble
    in concluding that Congress intended to protect from
    discrimination identifiable classes of persons who are
    subjected to intentional discrimination solely because
    of their ancestry or ethnic characteristics. Such
    discrimination is racial discrimination that Congress
    intended § 1981 to forbid, whether or not it would be
    classified as racial in terms of modern scientific
    theory. [Section] 1981, at a minimum, reaches
    DAVIS V. GUAM                            25
    history, the Court determined that the voter eligibility
    classification singled out persons solely because of their
    ancestral relationship to a culturally and ethnically distinct
    population, and went on to conclude that “[a]ncestral tracing
    of this sort achieves its purpose by creating a legal category
    which employs the same mechanisms, and causes the same
    injuries, as laws or statutes that use race by name.” Id. at 517
    (emphasis added). Nowhere did the Court suggest that
    classification by ancestry alone was sufficient to render the
    challenged classification a racial one.
    B
    Rice did not go on to explain further the connection
    between ancestry and race, or to explain what it meant by
    “ethnic characteristics and cultural traditions.” Id. And
    modern courts have generally resisted defining with
    precision the legal concept of race and more specifically, the
    relationship between ancestry and the legal concept of race.
    Racial categories were once thought to be grounded in
    biological fact, but shifting understandings of which groups
    constitute distinct races throughout history reveal such
    categories to be “social construct[s],” the boundaries of
    which are subject to contestation and revision. Ho ex rel. Ho
    v. S.F. Unified Sch. Dist., 
    147 F.3d 854
    , 863 (9th Cir. 1998);
    discrimination against an individual because he or she
    is genetically part of an ethnically and
    physiognomically distinctive sub-grouping of homo
    sapiens. It is clear from our holding, however, that a
    distinctive physiognomy is not essential to qualify for
    § 1981 protection.
    Id. at 613 (footnotes and internal quotation marks omitted).
    26                         DAVIS V. GUAM
    see also Saint Francis Coll., 
    481 U.S. at
    610 n.4; United
    States v. Nelson, 
    277 F.3d 164
    , 176 n.12 (2d Cir. 2002). 9
    Still, as a legal concept, a racial category is generally
    understood as a group, designated by itself or others, as
    socially distinct based on perceived common physical,
    ethnic, or cultural characteristics. So, for example, Abdullahi
    v. Prada USA Corp. stated that “[a] racial group as the term
    is generally used in the United States today is a group having
    a common ancestry and distinct physical traits,” 
    520 F.3d 710
    , 712 (7th Cir. 2008), a definition also reflected in a
    federal statute outlawing genocide. See 
    18 U.S.C. § 1093
    (6)
    (“[T]he term ‘racial group’ means a set of individuals whose
    identity as such is distinctive in terms of physical
    characteristics or biological descent.”). Saint Francis Coll.
    held that racial discrimination includes discrimination based
    on “ethnic characteristics,” 
    481 U.S. at
    612–613, and Rice
    emphasized that the “unique culture of the ancient
    Hawaiians,” combined with their common ancestry—that is,
    biological descent—distinguished them as a race. 
    528 U.S. 9
    Examples of this contestation and revision have at times reached
    our highest court. In the early twentieth century, the Supreme Court
    decided a number of cases delineating who qualified as white and were
    therefore afforded its privileges. In Ozawa v. United States, 
    260 U.S. 178
    (1922), the Court held that a man of the “Japanese race born in Japan”
    was not a “white person” and therefore was not qualified to be
    naturalized under the country’s then-racially restrictive naturalization
    laws. It reasoned that the term “white person” was synonymous with the
    “Caucasian race.” 
    Id. at 189
    , 197–98. A year later, the Court, however,
    held that a man of South Asian descent born in India did not qualify as a
    “white person” despite acknowledging that many scientific authorities at
    the time considered South Asians to be members of the Caucasian race.
    United States v. Thind, 
    261 U.S. 204
    , 210–15 (1923); see also Gong Lum
    v. Rice, 
    275 U.S. 78
     (1927) (upholding a state court ruling requiring an
    American citizen of Chinese descent to attend school for “colored”
    children and not for white children).
    DAVIS V. GUAM                              27
    at 514–15. 10 These various concepts remain somewhat
    distinct, but all embrace the core concept of a group of
    people distinguished based on certain identifiable traits.
    Just as race is a difficult concept to define, so is
    ancestry’s precise relationship to race. Ancestry identifies
    individuals by biological descent. See Ancestry, Black’s Law
    Dictionary (10th ed. 2014) (“A line of descent; collectively,
    a person’s forebears; lineage.”); Ancestor, Oxford English
    Dictionary (2d ed. 1989) (“One from whom a person is
    descended, either by the father or mother; a progenitor, a
    forefather.”). Racial categories often incorporate biological
    descent, as the mechanism through which present day
    individuals viewed as a distinct group are thought to be
    connected to an earlier set of individuals with identifiable
    physical, ethnic, or cultural characteristics. For example,
    state laws mandating the enslavement and later segregation
    and subjugation of African Americans identified them by the
    percentage of blood they possessed from African American
    ancestors. See, e.g., Loving v. Virginia, 
    388 U.S. 1
    , 5 n.4
    (1967); Plessy v. Ferguson, 
    163 U.S. 537
    , 552 (1896); Neil
    Gotanda, A Critique of “Our Constitution Is Color-Blind,”
    10
    See also Hernandez v. State of Tex., 
    347 U.S. 475
    , 478 (1954)
    (“Throughout our history differences in race and color have defined
    easily identifiable groups which have at times required the aid of the
    courts in securing equal treatment under the laws. But community
    prejudices are not static, and from time to time other differences from
    the community norm may define other groups which need the same
    protection. Whether such a group exists within a community is a question
    of fact.”); D. Wendy Greene, Title VII: What’s Hair (and Other Race-
    Based Characteristics) Got to Do With It?, 
    79 U. Colo. L. Rev. 1355
    ,
    1385 (2008) (“Race includes physical appearances and behaviors that
    society, historically and presently, commonly associates with a particular
    racial group, even when the physical appearances and behavior are not
    ‘uniquely’ or ‘exclusively’ ‘performed’ by, or attributed to a particular
    racial group.”).
    28                     DAVIS V. GUAM
    
    44 Stan. L. Rev. 1
    , 24 n.94 (1991). Until 1952, Congress
    imposed racial restrictions on who could be naturalized as
    citizens. See 
    8 U.S.C. § 703
     (repealed 1952). Among those
    eligible for naturalization were “white persons, persons of
    African nativity or descent, and persons who are descendants
    of races indigenous to the continents of North or South
    America,” as well as those with a “preponderance of blood”
    from those groups. 
    Id.
     § 703(a)(1), (2). Race and ancestry
    thus frequently overlap or are treated as equivalents by
    courts. See, e.g., Hirabayashi v. United States, 
    320 U.S. 81
    ,
    100 (1943) (“Distinctions between citizens solely because of
    their ancestry are by their very nature odious to a free people
    whose institutions are founded upon the doctrine of equality.
    For that reason, legislative classification or discrimination
    based on race alone has often been held to be a denial of
    equal protection.”).
    But ancestry and race are not identical legal concepts.
    State and federal laws are replete with provisions that target
    individuals based on biological descent without reflecting
    racial classifications. These include laws of intestate
    succession, see, e.g., 
    Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 14-2103
     (requiring
    passing of property based on lineage in the absence of a
    surviving spouse); 
    Cal. Prob. Code §§ 240
    , 6402 (same);
    Unif. Prob. Code § 2-103 (Nat’l Conference of Comm’rs on
    Unif. State Laws 2010) (same); see also Hodel v. Irving,
    
    481 U.S. 704
    , 716 (1987) (“In one form or another, the right
    to pass on property—to one’s family in particular—has been
    part of the Anglo-American legal system since feudal
    times.”); citizenship, see, e.g., 
    8 U.S.C. §§ 1431
    , 1433
    (conferring citizenship on children born outside the United
    States if at least one parent is a U.S. citizen); 
    id.
     § 1153
    (immigrant visa preferences for children of U.S. citizens and
    lawful permanent residents); and child custody laws, see,
    e.g., 
    Haw. Rev. Stat. § 571-46
    (7) (providing visitation
    DAVIS V. GUAM                             29
    privileges for “parents, grandparents, and siblings” of child).
    As Justice Stevens observed in his dissent in Rice, “There
    would be nothing demeaning in a law that established a trust
    to manage Monticello and provided that the descendants of
    Thomas Jefferson should elect the trustees.” 
    528 U.S. at
    545
    & n.16. 11
    Moreover, the Supreme Court has squarely rejected any
    categorical equivalence between ancestry and racial
    categorization. Morton v. Mancari, 
    417 U.S. 535
     (1974),
    upheld a Bureau of Indian Affairs hiring preference for
    “Indians,” defined as an individual possessing “one-fourth
    or more degree Indian blood and be a member of a Federally-
    recognized tribe.” 
    417 U.S. at
    553 n.24. Although the hiring
    preference classified individuals based on biological
    ancestry, the Supreme Court concluded that the
    classification was “political rather than racial in nature.” 
    Id.
    Mancari determined that the hiring preference treated
    “Indians not as a discrete racial group, but, rather, as
    members of quasi-sovereign tribal entities,” stressing the
    “unique legal status of Indian tribes under federal law and
    . . . the plenary power of Congress, based on a history of
    treaties and the assumption of a ‘guardian-ward’ status, to
    legislate on behalf of federally recognized Indian tribes.” 
    Id. at 551, 554
    .
    Since Mancari, the Supreme Court and our court have
    reaffirmed ancestral classifications related to American
    Indians without suggesting that they constitute racial
    classifications. See Del. Tribal Bus. Comm. v. Weeks,
    11
    See also Sarah Krakoff, They Were Here First: American Indian
    Tribes, Race, and the Constitutional Minimum, 
    69 Stan. L. Rev. 491
    , 496
    n.21 (2017) (collecting “laws [that] recognize and honor ancestry”
    outside the Indian law context).
    30                     DAVIS V. GUAM
    
    430 U.S. 73
    , 79 n.13, 89 (1977); United States v. Zepeda,
    
    792 F.3d 1103
    , 1110 (9th Cir. 2015) (en banc); see also Doe
    v. Kamehameha Schs./Bernice Pauahi Bishop Estate,
    
    470 F.3d 827
    , 851–52 (9th Cir. 2006) (en banc) (Fletcher, J.,
    concurring) (listing federal laws concerning Indians that rely
    on ancestry); Krakoff, supra, at 501 (explaining that
    American Indian tribal status “assumes ancestral ties to
    peoples who preceded European (and then American)
    arrival”). This well-settled law regarding classifications of
    American Indians confirms that not all ancestral
    classifications are racial ones.
    In sum, biological descent or ancestry is often a feature
    of a race classification, but an ancestral classification is not
    always a racial one.
    C
    That ancestry is not always a proxy for race does not
    mean it never is.
    We have previously outlined the contours of proxy
    discrimination when addressing statutory discrimination
    claims:
    Proxy discrimination is a form of facial
    discrimination. It arises when the defendant
    enacts a law or policy that treats individuals
    differently on the basis of seemingly neutral
    criteria that are so closely associated with the
    disfavored group that discrimination on the
    basis of such criteria is, constructively, facial
    discrimination against the disfavored group.
    For example, discriminating against
    individuals with gray hair is a proxy for age
    discrimination because “the ‘fit’ between age
    DAVIS V. GUAM                                31
    and gray hair is sufficiently close.” McWright
    v. Alexander, 
    982 F.2d 222
    , 228 (7th Cir.
    1992).
    Pac. Shores Props., LLC v. City of Newport Beach, 
    730 F.3d 1142
    , 1160 n.23 (9th Cir. 2013). The Supreme Court has
    recognized that “[a]ncestry can be a proxy for race” in the
    Fifteenth Amendment context. Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 514
    ; see
    Commonwealth Election Comm’n, 844 F.3d at 1092. Guinn
    v. United States, for example, held that although an
    exemption to a voting literacy test did not expressly classify
    by race, “the standard itself inherently brings that result into
    existence.” 
    238 U.S. 347
    , 364–65 (1915). 12 Although proxy
    discrimination does not involve express racial
    classifications, the fit between the classification at issue and
    the racial group it covers is so close that a classification on
    the basis of race can be inferred without more. 13 For that
    reason, proxy discrimination is “a form of facial
    discrimination.” Pac. Shores Props., 730 F.3d at 1160 n.23.
    Notably, proxy discrimination does not require an exact
    match between the proxy category and the racial
    classification for which it is a proxy. “Simply because a class
    . . . does not include all members of the race does not suffice
    to make the classification race neutral.” Rice, 
    528 U.S. at
    516–17. In Rice the classification at issue—though not
    explicitly racial—was so closely intertwined with race,
    given the characteristics of Hawaii’s population in 1778, that
    12
    See also Stephen M. Rich, Inferred Classifications, 
    99 Va. L. Rev. 1525
    , 1532 (2013) (discussing how the Supreme Court has inferred facial
    racial classifications based on a “legislation’s form and practical effect”).
    13
    We do not address whether ancestry can be a proxy for race in
    contexts beyond the scope of the Fifteenth Amendment.
    32                     DAVIS V. GUAM
    the law was readily understood to be discriminatory in
    “purpose and operation.” Id. at 516. At its core, Rice inferred
    the racial purpose of the Hawaii law from the terms of the
    classification combined with historical facts, concluding that
    Hawaii’s racial voter qualification was “neither subtle nor
    indirect.” Id. at 514.
    Relying on Rice, we held in Davis v. Commonwealth
    Election Comm’n that an ancestry-based voting restriction in
    the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands
    (“CNMI”) was a proxy for race discrimination in violation
    of the Fifteenth Amendment. 844 F.3d at 1093.
    Commonwealth Election Commission concerned a provision
    of the CNMI Constitution limiting voting in certain CNMI
    elections to U.S. citizens or nationals “who [are] of at least
    one-quarter Northern Marianas Chamorro or Northern
    Marianas Carolinian blood,” a classification defined as
    someone who was “born or domiciled in the Northern
    Mariana Islands by 1950 and . . . a citizen of the Trust
    Territory of the Pacific Islands before the termination of the
    Trusteeship with respect to the Commonwealth.” Id. at 1090
    (quoting N. Mar. I. Const. art XII, § 4). We concluded that
    “the stated intent of the provision [was] to make ethnic
    distinctions,” even though the provision was technically
    tethered to an ancestor’s residence in 1950, and even though
    there was “historical evidence that some persons who were
    not of Chamorro or Carolinian ancestry lived on the islands
    in 1950.” Id. at 1093 (emphasis added). We reasoned that the
    voter qualification at issue “tie[d] voter eligibility to descent
    from an ethnic group;” the qualification “referenced blood
    quantum to determine descent” much like the Hawaiian law
    invalidated in Rice; and the statute implementing the
    classification referenced race. Id. As in Rice, the CNMI law
    left no reasonable explanation for the voting qualifications
    except that voter eligibility was race-based.
    DAVIS V. GUAM                       33
    D
    Like the classifications invalidated in Rice and
    Commonwealth Election Commission, the classification
    “Native Inhabitants of Guam” in this case serves as a proxy
    for race, in violation of the Fifteenth Amendment. The 2000
    Plebiscite Law limits voting to “Native Inhabitants of
    Guam,” which it defines as “those persons who became U.S.
    Citizens by virtue of the authority and enactment of the 1950
    Organic Act of Guam and descendants of those persons.”
    
    3 Guam Code Ann. § 21001
    (e). The Organic Act granted
    U.S. citizenship to three categories of people and their
    descendants. In summary, those categories are:
    (1) Individuals born before April 11, 1899, who
    lived in Guam on that date as Spanish
    subjects, and who continued to reside in some
    part of the U.S. thereafter.
    (2) Individuals born in Guam before April 11,
    1899, who lived in Guam on that date, and
    who continued to reside in some part of the
    U.S. thereafter.
    (3) Individuals born in Guam on or after
    April 11, 1899.
    
    8 U.S.C. § 1407
     (1952). This definition is so closely
    associated with the express racial classification “Chamorro”
    used in previously enacted statutes that it can only be
    34                       DAVIS V. GUAM
    sensibly understood as a proxy for that same racial
    classification. 14
    The 2000 Plebiscite Law’s immediate predecessors were
    not shy about using an express racial classification. The
    Registry Act established an official list of “Chamorro”
    people, defined according to the Organic Act, as inhabitants
    of Guam in 1899 who were Spanish subjects or were born in
    Guam before 1899, and the descendants of those individuals.
    Registry Act § 20001(a). In its legislative findings and
    statement of intent, the Registry Act provided: “The Guam
    Legislature recognizes that the indigenous people of Guam,
    the Chamorros, have endured as a population with a distinct
    language and culture despite suffering over three hundred
    years of colonial occupation by Spain, the United States of
    America, and Japan.” Id. § 1. It further stated: “The Guam
    Legislature . . . endeavors to memorialize the indigenous
    Chamorro people . . . who continue to develop as one
    Chamorro people on their homeland, Guam.” Id. Finally, the
    Registry Act recognized that “[t]he Legislature intends for
    this registry to assist in the process of heightening local
    awareness among the people of Guam of the current struggle
    for Commonwealth, of the identity of the indigenous
    Chamorro people of Guam, and of the role that Chamorros
    and succeeding generations play in the island’s cultural
    survival and in Guam’s political evolution towards self-
    government.” Id. As part of those purposes, the law
    recognized that the registry may be used “for the future
    14
    Guam acknowledged in the district court that the term
    “Chamorro” refers to a distinct racial category and does not seriously
    contest otherwise on appeal. We have similarly recognized “Chamorro”
    as a racial classification for Fifteenth Amendment purposes. See
    Commonwealth Election Comm’n, 844 F.3d at 1093 (treating “Northern
    Marianas Chamorro” as a racial classification).
    DAVIS V. GUAM                       35
    exercise of self-determination by the indigenous Chamorro
    people of Guam.” Id.
    The Registry Act formally tied the definition of
    Chamorro to the race-neutral language of the Organic Act.
    But the enactment as a whole rested on the concept that the
    Chamorro were a “distinct people” with a “common
    culture,” the very hallmarks of racial classification Rice
    relied upon in concluding that “Hawaiian” defined a racial
    group for Fifteenth Amendment purposes. See 
    528 U.S. at
    514–15.
    The 1997 Plebiscite Law, which the 2000 Plebiscite Law
    built directly upon, similarly employed express racial
    classifications. The 1997 law called for a plebiscite limited
    to the “Chamorro people of Guam,” defined as “[a]ll
    inhabitants of Guam in 1898 and their descendants who have
    taken no affirmative steps to preserve or acquire foreign
    nationality.” 1997 Plebiscite Law § 2(b). Like the Registry
    Act, the 1997 Plebiscite Law repeatedly employed the term
    “Chamorro” to note a distinct group and described that group
    as facing “colonial discrimination” and “long-standing
    injustice.” Id. § 1.
    Additionally, the Guam legislature has long defined the
    term “Native Chamorro” for purposes of the Chamorro Land
    Trust Commission to include “any person who became a
    U.S. citizen by virtue of the authority and enactment of the
    Organic Act of Guam or descendants of such person.” Guam
    Pub. L. No. 15-118 (1980) (codified at 
    21 Guam Code Ann. § 75101
    (d)). The CLTC qualifies Native Chamorros to lease
    land the United States previously seized from Guam’s
    inhabitants during and after World War II and later returned
    to the Guam government. After passage of the 2000
    Plebiscite Law, the Guam legislature enacted a law
    providing that individuals who receive a lease or were
    36                         DAVIS V. GUAM
    preapproved for one through the CLTC are automatically
    registered in the Guam Decolonization Registry, thereby
    qualifying them to vote in the plebiscite. 
    3 Guam Code Ann. § 21002.1
    .
    Several similarities between the 2000 Plebiscite Law and
    its predecessors reveal that “Native Inhabitants of Guam” is
    a proxy for “Chamorro,” and therefore for a racial
    classification. First, the 2000 Plebiscite Law’s definition of
    “Native Inhabitants of Guam” is nearly indistinguishable
    from the definitions of “Chamorro” in the Registry Act, the
    1997 Plebiscite Law, and the CLTC. “Native Inhabitants of
    Guam” incorporates all the citizenship provisions of the
    Organic Act, as does the definition of “Native Chamorro” in
    the CLTC; the Registry Act and the 1997 Plebiscite Law
    mirror the first two sections of those provisions. Compare
    2000 Plebiscite Law § 21001(e); 
    21 Guam Code Ann. § 75101
    (d); Registry Act § 20001(a); 1997 Plebiscite Law
    § 2(b), with 
    8 U.S.C. § 1407
     (1952). 15 That Guam applies
    15
    The Registry Act’s and the 1997 Plebiscite Law’s definition of
    “Chamorro” do not incorporate the third citizenship provision of the
    Organic Act, which grants citizenship to individuals born in Guam on or
    after April 11, 1899. 
    8 U.S.C. § 1407
    (b) (1952). Because the INA
    replaced the citizenship provisions of the Organic Act in 1952, see
    Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, Pub. L. No. 82-414,
    § 403(a)(42), 
    66 Stat. 163
    , 280, this third provision uniquely includes
    only individuals who were born in Guam between 1899 and 1952 but
    were not descendants of individuals residing in Guam before 1899. The
    inclusion of this third provision into the definition of “Native Inhabitants
    of Guam” does not meaningfully differentiate the term “Native
    Inhabitants of Guam” from the term “Chamorro.” Even including the
    third citizenship provision of the Organic Act, it appears that as of 1950
    98.6% of people who were non-citizen nationals, and thereby likely
    received citizenship pursuant to the Organic Act, were categorized as
    “Chamorro.” See 1950 Census at 54-49 tbl. 38.
    DAVIS V. GUAM                              37
    nearly identical definitions to the terms “Chamorro,” a racial
    category, and “Native Inhabitants of Guam” indicates that
    these terms are interchangeable. The closeness of the
    association is sufficient to conclude that the term “Native
    Inhabitants of Guam” is a proxy for the “Chamorro”
    classification.
    Second, the 2000 Plebiscite Law maintains nearly
    identically the features of the facially race-based Registry
    Act and the 1997 Plebiscite Law. This continuity confirms
    the 2000 Plebiscite Law’s changes to the Chamorro
    classification were semantic and cosmetic, not substantive. 16
    The 2000 Plebiscite Law creates a “Guam
    Decolonization Registry” that mirrors the earlier Registry
    Act. The new registry is structured similarly to the earlier
    one, including requiring an affidavit to register, compare
    2000 Plebiscite Law § 21002, with Registry Act § 20002;
    administering the registry through the Guam Election
    Commission, compare 2000 Plebiscite Law § 21001(d), with
    Registry Act § 20001(c); and criminalizing false
    registration, compare 2000 Plebiscite Law § 21009, with
    Registry Act § 20009.
    The 2000 Plebiscite Law also amends the 1997 Plebiscite
    Law to eliminate references to “Chamorro” people, but
    otherwise retains the same features. See 2000 Plebiscite Law
    §§ 7, 9–11. Both statutes establish non-binding elections on
    16
    The 2000 Plebiscite Law slightly changed the definition of
    “Chamorro” in the Registry Act to include individuals born in Guam
    prior to 1800 and their descendants. See 2000 Plebiscite Law § 12; supra,
    n.4. However, this post-hoc revision does not change the near identical
    resemblance between the definitions of “Native Inhabitants of Guam” in
    the 2000 Plebiscite Law and the original definition of “Chamorro” in the
    Registry Act.
    38                     DAVIS V. GUAM
    Guam’s future political status relationship with the United
    States, the results of which will be transmitted to the federal
    government and to the United Nations. Compare 2000
    Plebiscite Law §§ 10–11, with 1997 Plebiscite Law §§ 5, 10.
    Given the similarity in the substantive provisions and in the
    definitions of “Chamorro” and of “Native Inhabitants of
    Guam,” the substitution of terms does not erase the 1997
    Plebiscite Law’s premise for the voting restriction—to treat
    the Chamorro as a “distinct people.” Rice, 
    528 U.S. at 515
    .
    Finally, the timing of the 2000 Plebiscite Law’s
    enactment confirms its racial basis. The 2000 Plebiscite Law
    was enacted on March 24, 2000, just one month after Rice
    was decided. In Rice, Hawaii had revised its definition of
    “Hawaiian” from an earlier version, by replacing the word
    “races” with “peoples.” 
    Id.
     at 515–16. The Supreme Court
    concluded based on the drafters’ own admission that “any
    changes to the language were at most cosmetic.” 
    Id. at 516
    .
    Although we have no similar admission, the same is true
    here. After Rice, Guam’s swift reenactment of essentially the
    same election law—albeit with a change in terms—indicates
    that the Guam legislature’s intent was to apply cosmetic
    changes rather than substantively to alter the voting
    restrictions for the plebiscite.
    Guam’s primary argument to the contrary is that “Native
    Inhabitants of Guam” is not a racial category but a political
    one referring to “a colonized people with a unique political
    relationship to the United States because their U.S.
    citizenship was granted by the Guam Organic Act.” It
    attempts to distinguish this case from Rice on the ground that
    the voter qualification here is tethered not to presence in the
    Territory at a particular date but to the passage of a specific
    law—the Organic Act—which altered the legal status of the
    group to which the ancestral inquiry is linked.
    DAVIS V. GUAM                         39
    But indirect or tiered racial classifications, tethered to
    prior, race-based legislative enactments, are subject to the
    same Fifteenth Amendment proscription on race-based
    voting restrictions as are explicitly racial classifications. In
    Guinn, the Supreme Court invalidated an Oklahoma
    constitutional amendment that established a literacy
    requirement for voting eligibility but exempted the “lineal
    descendant[s]” of persons who were “on January 1, 1866, or
    at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under any form of
    government, or who at that time resided in some foreign
    nation.” 
    238 U.S. at
    356–7. That classification, like the one
    at issue here, was facially tethered to specific laws—the
    voter eligibility laws in existence in 1866 before the
    Fifteenth Amendment was ratified. In that year, only eight
    northern states permitted African Americans to vote. See
    Benno C. Schmdit, Jr., Principle and Prejudice: The
    Supreme Court and Race in the Progressive Era Part 3,
    
    82 Colum. L. Rev. 835
    , 862 (1982). Guinn held the
    challenged Oklahoma voting qualification incorporated—
    without acknowledging their racial character—a set of
    former race-based statutory restrictions. 
    238 U.S. at
    364–65.
    In essence, the Court recognized that Oklahoma was
    reviving its earlier race-based voting restrictions, thereby
    violating the Fifteenth Amendment.
    Nor is Guam’s argument that the classification here is
    political supported by the Supreme Court’s recognition that
    classifications based on American Indian ancestry are
    political in nature. Laws employing the American Indian
    classification targeted individuals “not as a discrete racial
    group, but, rather, as members of quasi-sovereign tribal
    entities.” Mancari, 
    417 U.S. at 554
    ; see also Rice, 
    528 U.S. 40
                             DAVIS V. GUAM
    at 518–20; United States v. Antelope, 
    430 U.S. 641
     (1977). 17
    Both the Supreme Court and we have rejected the
    application of Mancari for Fifteenth Amendment purposes
    with respect to non-Indian indigenous groups, namely those
    in Hawaii and the CNMI respectively. See Rice, 
    528 U.S. at
    518–20; Commonwealth Election Comm’n, 844 F.3d at
    1094. 18 Nothing counsels a different result in this case.
    Here, the parallels between the 2000 Plebiscite Law and
    previously enacted statutes expressly employing racial
    classifications are too glaring to brush aside. The near
    identity of the definitions for “Native Inhabitants of Guam”
    and “Chamorro,” the lack of other substantive changes, and
    17
    Although Mancari’s rationale was premised on the recognized
    quasi-sovereign tribal status of Indians, “the Supreme Court has not
    insisted on continuous tribal membership, or tribal membership at all, as
    a justification for special treatment of Indians,” and neither has
    Congress. Kamehameha Schs., 
    470 F.3d at 851
     (Fletcher, J., concurring)
    (collecting cases and statutes).
    18
    Because we affirm the district court on Fifteenth Amendment
    grounds, we reserve judgment on whether the Mancari exception may
    apply to the “Native Inhabitants of Guam” classification outside the
    Fifteenth Amendment context. Rice, which rejected the application of
    Mancari to Hawaiians for Fifteenth Amendment purposes, was careful
    to confine its analysis to voting rights under that amendment. It stated
    that “[t]he validity of the voting restriction is the only question before
    us,” 
    528 U.S. at 521
    , and emphasized the unique character of voting
    rights under the Fifteenth Amendment. 
    Id. at 512
    , 523–24; cf.
    Commonwealth Election Comm’n, 844 F.3d at 1095 (“[L]imits on who
    may own land are quite different—conceptually, politically, and
    legally—than limits on who may vote in elections to amend a
    constitution.”); Kamehameha Schs., 
    470 F.3d at 853
     (Fletcher, J.,
    concurring) (arguing that Native Hawaiians are a political—and not
    racial—classification for Fourteenth Amendment purposes because, in
    part, “[u]nlike Rice, the case before us does not involve preferential
    voting rights subject to challenge under the Fifteenth Amendment”).
    DAVIS V. GUAM                        41
    the timing of the 2000 Plebiscite Law’s enactment all
    indicate that the Law rests on a disguised but evident racial
    classification.
    ****
    Concluding that the 2000 Plebiscite Law employs a
    proxy for race is not to equate Guam’s stated purpose of
    “providing dignity in . . . allowing a starting point for a
    process of self-determination” to its native inhabitants with
    the racial animus motivating other laws that run afoul of the
    Fifteenth Amendment, see, e.g., Gomillion, 
    364 U.S. at 347
    ;
    Guinn, 
    238 U.S. at
    364–65. Our decision makes no judgment
    about whether Guam’s targeted interest in the self-
    determination of its indigenous people is genuine or
    compelling. Rather, our obligation is to apply established
    Fifteenth Amendment principles, which single out voting
    restrictions based on race as impermissible whatever their
    justification. Just as a law excluding the Native Inhabitants
    of Guam from a plebiscite on the future of the Territory
    could not pass constitutional muster, so the 2000 Plebiscite
    Law fails for the same reason.
    IV
    We hold that Guam’s limitation on the right to vote in its
    political status plebiscite to “Native Inhabitants of Guam”
    violates the Fifteenth Amendment and so AFFIRM the
    district court’s summary judgement order.