Independence Institute v. FEC ( 2016 )


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  •  United States Court of Appeals
    FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT
    Argued October 22, 2015               Decided March 1, 2016
    No. 14-5249
    INDEPENDENCE INSTITUTE, A COLORADO NONPROFIT
    CORPORATION,
    APPELLANT
    v.
    FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION,
    APPELLEE
    Appeal from the United States District Court
    for the District of Columbia
    (No. 1:14-cv-01500)
    Allen Dickerson argued the cause for appellant. With
    him on the brief was Tyler Martinez.
    Herbert W. Titus, William J. Olson, John S. Miles,
    Jeremiah L. Morgan, and Robert J. Olson were on the brief for
    amici curiae Citizens United, et al. in support of appellant.
    Greg J. Mueller, Attorney, Federal Election Commission,
    argued the cause for appellee. With him on the brief were
    Lisa J. Stevenson, Deputy General Counsel, Kevin Deeley,
    Acting Associate General Counsel, and Erin Chlopak, Acting
    Assistant General Counsel. Michael Columbo, Attorney,
    entered an appearance.
    2
    J. Gerald Hebert, Lawrence M. Noble, Scott L. Nelson,
    Fred Wertheimer, Donald J. Simon, and Charles Fried were on
    the brief for amici curiae Campaign Legal Center, et al. in
    support of defendant-appellee.
    Before: GRIFFITH, KAVANAUGH, and WILKINS, Circuit
    Judges.
    Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge KAVANAUGH,
    with whom Circuit Judge GRIFFITH joins.
    Dissenting opinion filed by Circuit Judge WILKINS.
    KAVANAUGH, Circuit Judge: The Bipartisan Campaign
    Reform Act of 2002, known as BCRA or the McCain-Feingold
    Act, requires speakers who make “electioneering
    communications” to disclose some of their donors. An
    electioneering communication is a broadcast, cable, or satellite
    communication that refers to a candidate for federal office and
    is aired within 60 days of a general election. See 52 U.S.C.
    § 30104(f).
    Independence Institute is a Section 501(c)(3) nonprofit
    organization located in Colorado. In 2014, the Institute
    supported a proposed federal statute that would reform federal
    sentencing. Independence Institute wanted to run a radio
    advertisement in favor of the proposed law.               The
    advertisement would encourage citizens to express their
    support of the law to Colorado’s U.S. Senators, Mark Udall
    and Michael Bennet.
    The Institute intended to air the advertisement in the fall of
    2014. At that time, however, Senator Udall was running for
    re-election. The radio spot would therefore qualify as an
    electioneering communication within the meaning of BCRA.
    3
    As a result, Independence Institute would have to disclose
    some of its donors.
    Independence Institute says that 501(c)(3) nonprofit
    organizations possess a First Amendment right to air issue
    advertisements       without  disclosing    their   donors.
    Independence Institute therefore sued the FEC, arguing that
    BCRA’s disclosure requirement was unconstitutional as
    applied to this situation.
    The Institute asked the District Court to convene a
    three-judge district court pursuant to the statutory provision
    that requires three-judge district courts for constitutional
    challenges to BCRA. See 52 U.S.C. § 30110 note. But the
    District Court denied the Institute’s request for a three-judge
    district court. On the merits, the District Court held that
    Independence Institute’s claim was unavailing under
    McConnell v. FEC, 
    540 U.S. 93
    (2003) and Citizens United v.
    FEC, 
    558 U.S. 310
    (2010), which respectively upheld BCRA’s
    disclosure requirement against a facial challenge and against
    one particular as-applied challenge.       See Independence
    Institute v. FEC, 
    70 F. Supp. 3d 502
    , 506-15 (D.D.C. 2014).
    On appeal, Independence Institute argues that the District
    Court erred in denying the request for a three-judge district
    court. Our review of that question is de novo. See LaRouche
    v. Fowler, 
    152 F.3d 974
    , 981-86 (D.C. Cir. 1998).
    ***
    On its face, BCRA requires that a three-judge district court
    adjudicate Independence Institute’s First Amendment claim.
    The Act states that a constitutional challenge to one of BCRA’s
    provisions “shall be heard by a 3-judge court convened
    pursuant to section 2284 of title 28.” 52 U.S.C. § 30110 note.
    4
    Section 2284 also says “shall”: A three-judge district court
    “shall be convened when otherwise required by Act of
    Congress,” such as BCRA. 28 U.S.C. § 2284.*
    To be sure, Section 2284 is not absolute. It requires a
    three-judge district court “unless” the single district court
    judge “determines that three judges are not required.” 
    Id. But in
    its recent decision in Shapiro v. McManus, the Supreme
    Court interpreted that language to mean that the single district
    court judge should determine only “whether the ‘request for
    three judges’ is made in a case covered by § 2284(a) – no more,
    no less.” 
    136 S. Ct. 450
    , 455 (2015), slip op. at 5.
    Because Independence Institute’s complaint raises a First
    Amendment challenge to a provision of BCRA, Section
    2284(a) entitles it to a three-judge district court.
    * In relevant part, the judicial review section of BCRA
    provides as follows: “(a) If any action is brought for declaratory or
    injunctive relief to challenge the constitutionality of any provision of
    this Act or any amendment made by this Act, the following rules
    shall apply: (1) The action shall be filed in the United States District
    Court for the District of Columbia and shall be heard by a 3-judge
    court convened pursuant to section 2284 of title 28, United States
    Code.” 52 U.S.C. § 30110 note (emphasis added). In turn, 28
    U.S.C. § 2284 provides in relevant part: “(a) A district court of
    three judges shall be convened when otherwise required by Act of
    Congress, or when an action is filed challenging the constitutionality
    of the apportionment of congressional districts or the apportionment
    of any statewide legislative body. (b) In any action required to be
    heard and determined by a district court of three judges under
    subsection (a) of this section, the composition and procedure of the
    court shall be as follows: (1) Upon the filing of a request for three
    judges, the judge to whom the request is presented shall, unless he
    determines that three judges are not required, immediately notify the
    chief judge of the circuit . . . .” 28 U.S.C. § 2284.
    5
    The only remaining barrier to Independence Institute’s
    request for a three-judge district court is the general
    jurisdictional requirement that a suit must raise a substantial
    federal question. As the Supreme Court explained in Shapiro:
    “Absent a substantial federal question, even a single-judge
    district court lacks jurisdiction, and a three-judge court is not
    required where the district court itself lacks jurisdiction of the
    complaint or the complaint is not justiciable in the federal
    courts.” 
    Id. at 455,
    slip op. at 5-6 (internal quotation marks
    omitted).
    But as the Shapiro Court stressed, the exception for
    insubstantial claims is narrow. It applies only when the case
    is “essentially fictitious, wholly insubstantial, obviously
    frivolous, and obviously without merit.” 
    Id. at 456,
    slip op. at
    7 (quoting Goosby v. Osser, 
    409 U.S. 512
    , 518 (1973))
    (internal quotation marks omitted). The Supreme Court has
    emphasized, moreover, that “the adverbs” are “no mere
    throwaways”: The “limiting words ‘wholly’ and ‘obviously’
    have cogent legal significance.” 
    Id. (quoting Goosby,
    409
    U.S. at 518) (internal quotation marks omitted).
    The bar that a complaint must clear is “low.” 
    Id. at 456,
    slip op. at 7. “Constitutional claims will not lightly be found
    insubstantial for purposes of the three-judge-court statute.”
    
    Id. at 455,
    slip op. at 6 (alterations and internal quotation marks
    omitted).
    The FEC argues that Independence Institute’s case fails to
    clear even that low bar because, according to the FEC,
    McConnell and Citizens United render Independence
    Institute’s First Amendment claim “essentially fictitious,
    wholly insubstantial, obviously frivolous, and obviously
    without merit.” 
    Id. at 456,
    slip op. at 7; see McConnell v.
    6
    FEC, 
    540 U.S. 93
    , 196-99 (2003); Citizens United v. FEC, 
    558 U.S. 310
    , 366-69 (2010). We disagree.
    BCRA requires speakers who make electioneering
    communications to disclose some of their donors. 52 U.S.C.
    § 30104. In McConnell, the Supreme Court rejected a facial
    challenge to BCRA’s disclosure requirement.              See
    
    McConnell, 540 U.S. at 196-99
    . But the Court allowed future
    as-applied challenges. 
    Id. at 199.
    In Citizens United, the
    Supreme Court rejected one such as-applied challenge, which
    attempted to limit BCRA’s disclosure requirement to those
    electioneering communications that constitute express
    advocacy or the functional equivalent of express advocacy for
    a candidate. See Citizens 
    United, 558 U.S. at 368-69
    .
    In this case, Independence Institute says that it is raising a
    different as-applied challenge to BCRA, and it asserts that
    Citizens United therefore is not controlling here.
    Independence Institute seeks to distinguish Citizens United on
    the ground that Independence Institute is a 501(c)(3) charitable
    nonprofit organization, whereas Citizens United was a
    501(c)(4) advocacy organization. According to Independence
    Institute, 501(c)(3) charitable groups serve different purposes
    and have greater interests in privacy than do 501(c)(4)
    advocacy groups. It argues, moreover, that the Government
    has less of an interest in publicly identifying the donors to
    501(c)(3) groups. Independence Institute contends that the
    First Amendment therefore protects it against BCRA’s
    disclosure requirement.
    In Citizens United, the Supreme Court did not address
    whether a speaker’s tax status or the nature of the nonprofit
    organization affects the constitutional analysis of BCRA’s
    disclosure requirement. 
    See 558 U.S. at 369
    . And the FEC
    cites no precedent from the Supreme Court (or any other court)
    7
    rejecting the argument advanced here by Independence
    Institute. The nature of our system of legal precedent is that
    later cases often distinguish prior cases based on sometimes
    slight differences. See, e.g., Arizona Christian School Tuition
    Org. v. Winn, 
    563 U.S. 125
    (2011); Michigan v. Bryant, 
    562 U.S. 344
    (2011); see generally Richard M. Re, Narrowing
    Precedent in the Supreme Court, 114 COLUM. L. REV. 1861
    (2014). Here, we cannot say that Independence Institute’s
    attempt to advance its as-applied First Amendment challenge is
    “essentially fictitious, wholly insubstantial, obviously
    frivolous, and obviously without merit.” 
    Shapiro, 136 S. Ct. at 456
    , slip op. at 7. That is not to suggest that Independence
    Institute’s argument is a winner. Independence Institute’s
    501(c)(3) argument may or may not prevail on the merits, but
    Section 2284 “entitles” the Institute to make its case “before a
    three-judge district court.” 
    Id. Independence Institute
    also contends that the First
    Amendment bars compelled disclosure of donors unless the
    electioneering      communication        is     unambiguously
    campaign-related. The FEC responds that McConnell and
    Citizens United squarely rejected that argument.              Cf.
    Republican National Committee v. FEC, 
    130 S. Ct. 3544
    (2010), affirming Republican National Committee v. FEC, 
    698 F. Supp. 2d 150
    , 156-58 (D.D.C. 2010) (rejecting this
    distinction of McConnell and Citizens United). We do not
    address that argument. Because Independence Institute has
    advanced at least one argument – the 501(c)(3) argument – that
    is not “essentially fictitious, wholly insubstantial, obviously
    frivolous, and obviously without merit,” the case must proceed
    to a three-judge court. 
    Shapiro, 136 S. Ct. at 456
    , slip op. at 7.
    When a case falls within Section 2284 and requires a
    three-judge district court, “a single judge shall not . . . enter
    judgment on the merits” of any claim.                28 U.S.C.
    § 2284(b)(3); see 
    Shapiro, 136 S. Ct. at 455
    , slip op. at 5.
    8
    ***
    Independence Institute is entitled to make its case to a
    three-judge district court. Therefore, we reverse the judgment
    of the District Court denying the request for a three-judge
    district court, vacate the judgment of the District Court in favor
    of the FEC, and remand the case to the District Court with
    directions for it to initiate the procedures to convene a
    three-judge district court.
    So ordered.
    WILKINS, Circuit Judge, dissenting:          Independence
    Institute believes that the definition of “electioneering
    communication” under the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act
    of 2002 (“BCRA”), as well as the Act’s disclosure provisions
    for electioneering communications, is unconstitutionally
    overbroad. In my view, a misreading of Buckley v. Valeo,
    
    424 U.S. 1
    (1976), underpins and is fatal to both of these
    claims. As a result, I disagree that the several immaterial
    factual distinctions that the Institute offers to distinguish its
    challenge from that in Citizens United v. FEC, 
    558 U.S. 310
    (2010), such as its tax status, can transform its case into one
    presenting a substantial constitutional question. See Shapiro
    v. McManus, 
    136 S. Ct. 450
    , 455-56 (2015).
    The Institute’s core contention in this lawsuit is that
    Buckley created an “unambiguously campaign related” gloss
    on the definition of electioneering communications. In its
    view, the only speech that should be considered an
    electioneering communication, and therefore trigger the
    BCRA’s reporting and disclosure requirements, is speech that
    is “unambiguously related” to a campaign. The Institute filed
    a two-count complaint, and this reading of Buckley is central
    to both causes of action. In its first count, the Institute
    premised its attack on the definition of electioneering
    communication on “the dichotomy between issue speech and
    political speech in Buckley,” Compl. ¶ 101, and it sought a
    declaration that its proposed advertisement does not constitute
    an “electioneering communication” under the BCRA, as
    properly defined, 
    id. ¶¶ 113-114.
    In its second count,
    repeatedly citing Buckley, 
    id. ¶¶ 120-122,
    the Institute
    attacked the BCRA disclosure requirements, alleging that “if
    a group does not have ‘the major purpose’ of political
    activity, only communications that ‘expressly advocate the
    election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate’ are subject
    to disclosure,” 
    id. ¶ 122
    (citing 
    Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80
    ).
    2
    Accordingly, the Institute made Buckley its centerpiece in
    its briefing before the district court. It urged that the BCRA’s
    definition of electioneering communication “impermissibly
    blurs the line between candidate advocacy, which may be
    regulated, and issue advocacy, which generally cannot.” See
    Mot. Prelim. Inj. 22 (citing 
    Buckley, 424 U.S. at 42-44
    ). The
    Institute’s argument on disclosure was that no Supreme Court
    case since Buckley did away with the “unambiguously
    campaign related standard,” and that in particular “[t]he
    disclosure upheld in Citizens United was for donors who
    explicitly contributed for a communication that is the
    functional equivalent of express advocacy—not genuine issue
    speech.” 
    Id. at 14;
    see also Appellant Br. 34 (“Neither
    Citizens United nor McConnell modified Buckley’s
    ‘unambiguously campaign related’ limitation.”).
    There’s only one problem – the Institute’s reading of
    Buckley is squarely foreclosed by subsequent Supreme Court
    precedent.       In McConnell v. FEC, the Court called the
    argument that Buckley’s constitutional holding requires a
    gloss on the BRCA’s definition of “electioneering
    communication” to permit “so-called issue advocacy” a
    “misapprehen[sion] [of] our prior decisions,” and rejected the
    idea that “Buckley drew a constitutionally mandated line
    between express advocacy and so-called issue advocacy.”
    
    540 U.S. 93
    , 190 (2003), overruled on other grounds by
    Citizens United v. FEC, 
    558 U.S. 310
    (2010); 
    id. (“[T]he express
    advocacy restriction was an endpoint of statutory
    interpretation, not a first principle of constitutional law.”).
    More troublingly, the Institute asks us to overlook the
    fact that the Supreme Court expressly rejected its broader
    argument in Citizens United. There, the Court said: “The
    principal opinion in [FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc., 
    551 U.S. 449
    (2007)] limited 2 U.S.C. § 441b’s restrictions on
    3
    independent expenditures to express advocacy and its
    functional equivalent. Citizens United seeks to import a
    similar distinction into BCRA's disclosure requirements. We
    reject this contention.” Citizens 
    United, 558 U.S. at 368-69
    (citation omitted) (emphasis added).
    I do not see how this lawsuit even “clears Goosby’s low
    bar” of substantiality. 
    Shapiro, 136 S. Ct. at 456
    (citing
    Goosby v. Osser, 
    409 U.S. 512
    (1973)). Both claims raised
    by the Institute rely upon the contention that the BCRA’s
    disclosure provisions should only apply to unambiguously
    campaign related speech, but the “unsoundness [of that
    argument] so clearly results from the previous decisions of
    [the Supreme] Court as to foreclose the subject and leave no
    room for the inference that the questions sought to be raised
    can be the subject of controversy.” 
    Goosby, 409 U.S. at 519
    (quoting Ex parte Poresky, 
    290 U.S. 30
    , 32 (1933), quoting in
    turn from Hannis Distilling Co. v. Baltimore, 
    216 U.S. 285
    ,
    288 (1910)).
    There is an important difference between a plaintiff who
    offers a novel argument seeking to extend a holding, dictum,
    or even a suggestion from a previous majority or separate
    opinion, and a plaintiff who repackages an already foreclosed
    legal theory. The substantial federal question standard
    charges us with distinguishing between the two. The majority
    opinion evades the question of whether the “unambiguously
    campaign related” argument is insubstantial, and focuses
    instead on the factual distinction of the Institute’s tax status.
    Majority Op. at 6-8. But what the Institute has never
    explained in its briefing, and what the majority does not
    explain in its opinion, is how the Institute can prevail on
    either of its causes of action without prevailing on its core
    contention that electioneering communications under the
    BCRA must be limited to speech that is “unambiguously
    4
    campaign related.” Without such an explanation, the factual
    distinctions being raised are of no consequence, and the
    claims remain “frivolous or immaterial.” Steel Co. v. Citizens
    for Better Environment, 
    523 U.S. 83
    , 89 (1998).
    I would dismiss this case for lack of jurisdiction.     I
    dissent.