Moath Al Alwi v. Donald Trump , 901 F.3d 294 ( 2018 )


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  •  United States Court of Appeals
    FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT
    Argued March 20, 2018                  Decided August 7, 2018
    No. 17-5067
    MOATH HAMZA AHMED AL-ALWI,
    APPELLANT
    v.
    DONALD J. TRUMP, PRESIDENT, ET AL.,
    APPELLEES
    Appeal from the United States District Court
    for the District of Columbia
    (No. 1:15-cv-00681)
    Ramzi Kassem argued the cause for the appellant. John J.
    Connolly and Beth D. Jacob were with him on the briefs.
    Jennifer R. Cowan was on brief for the amicus curiae
    Experts on International Law and Foreign Relations Law in
    support of initial hearing En Banc.
    Sonia M. Carson, Attorney, United States Department of
    Justice, argued the cause for the appellees. Douglas N. Letter,
    Matthew M. Collette and Sonia K. McNeil, Attorneys, were on
    brief. Sharon Swingle, Attorney, entered an appearance.
    Before: GARLAND, Chief Judge, and HENDERSON and
    GRIFFITH, Circuit Judges.
    2
    Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge HENDERSON.
    KAREN LECRAFT HENDERSON, Circuit Judge: Moath
    Hamza Ahmed Al-Alwi, a detainee at the United States Naval
    Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, petitioned for a writ of habeas
    corpus. The district court denied the petition. On appeal, Al-
    Alwi argues that the conflict resulting in his detention is so
    unprecedented that the United States’ authority to detain him
    has unraveled. He also argues in the alternative that the conflict
    has ended, thereby terminating the United States’ authority to
    detain him. Finally, he advances due process claims and a
    request for further fact-finding. For the following reasons, we
    affirm the judgment of the district court denying Al-Alwi’s
    petition.
    I. Background
    Shortly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001,
    the Congress authorized the President to
    use all necessary and appropriate force against
    those nations, organizations, or persons he
    determines planned, authorized, committed, or
    aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on
    September 11, 2001, or harbored such
    organizations or persons, in order to prevent any
    future acts of international terrorism against the
    United States by such nations, organizations or
    persons.
    Authorization for Use of Military Force, Pub. L. No. 107-
    40, § 2(a), 
    115 Stat. 224
    , 224 (Sept. 18, 2001) (AUMF).
    Ten years later, the Congress “affirm[ed] that the authority
    of the President to use all necessary and appropriate force
    pursuant to” the AUMF “includes the authority” to “detain”
    3
    persons who “w[ere] a part of or substantially supported al-
    Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces that are engaged in
    hostilities against the United States.” National Defense
    Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012, Pub. L. No. 112-81,
    § 1021(a), (b)(2), 
    125 Stat. 1298
    , 1562 (Dec. 31, 2011). The
    Congress granted authority to detain such persons “under the
    law of war without trial until the end of the hostilities
    authorized by the” AUMF. 
    Id.
     § 1021(c)(1).
    Al-Alwi is a Yemeni citizen who grew up in Saudi Arabia.
    According to the Government and uncontested in this appeal,
    Al-Alwi stayed in Taliban guesthouses, traveled to a Taliban-
    linked training camp to learn how to fire rifles and grenade
    launchers and joined a combat unit led by an al Qaeda official
    that fought alongside the Taliban. Al Alwi v. Obama (Al Alwi
    I), 
    653 F.3d 11
    , 13–14 (D.C. Cir. 2011); see 
    id. at 20
     (noting
    that Al-Alwi “did not deny” that “majority of the principal
    facts” Government asserted “were true” (internal quotation
    omitted)). Al-Alwi was captured in December 2001 and turned
    over to United States authorities, who detained him at
    Guantanamo Bay pursuant to the AUMF. Al-Alwi remains at
    Guantanamo Bay today.
    In 2005, Al-Alwi petitioned for a writ of habeas corpus.
    The district court denied the petition after concluding that the
    Government’s account of Al-Alwi’s Taliban-related activities
    was supported by a preponderance of the evidence, thereby
    making Al-Alwi an enemy combatant who could lawfully be
    detained. Al Alwi v. Bush, 
    593 F. Supp. 2d 24
    , 27–29 (D.D.C.
    2008). This Court affirmed. Al Alwi I, 
    653 F.3d at
    15–20.
    In 2009, the President established an intra-branch process
    to “review . . . the factual and legal bases for the continued
    detention of all individuals” held at Guantanamo Bay. Review
    and Disposition of Individuals Detained At the Guantanamo
    4
    Bay Naval Base and Closure of Detention Facilities, Exec.
    Order No. 13,492 § 2(d), 
    74 Fed. Reg. 4,897
    , 4,898 (Jan. 22,
    2009). As part of the ongoing process, a Periodic Review Board
    comprised of senior Executive Branch officials must
    “periodic[ally] review” detentions at Guantanamo Bay to
    “ensure” that continued military detentions are “justified.”
    Periodic Review of Individuals Detained at Guantanamo Bay
    Naval Station Pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military
    Force, Exec. Order No. 13,567, 
    76 Fed. Reg. 13,277
     (Mar. 7,
    2011). In October 2015, the Periodic Review Board determined
    that continued detention of Al-Alwi “remain[ed] necessary to
    protect against a continuing significant threat to the security of
    the United States.” Joint Appendix (JA) 641.
    In 2015, Al-Alwi filed a second petition for a writ of
    habeas corpus, which is the subject of this appeal. Al-Alwi did
    not challenge the district court’s earlier determination that he
    remains an enemy combatant. Instead, Al-Alwi alleged that the
    conflict in Afghanistan that resulted in his detention had ended
    and therefore the United States “no longer [had] any lawful
    basis” to detain him. JA 11.
    The district court denied the petition. Al-Alwi v. Trump,
    
    236 F. Supp. 3d 417
     (D.D.C. 2017). This appeal followed.
    II. Analysis
    On appeal from denial of a habeas petition, we review the
    “district court’s findings of fact for clear error, its habeas
    determination de novo, and any challenged evidentiary rulings
    for abuse of discretion.” Barhoumi v. Obama, 
    609 F.3d 416
    ,
    423 (D.C. Cir. 2010). As stated earlier, the Government’s
    initial authority to detain Al-Alwi as an enemy combatant after
    his capture has been asked and answered in the affirmative, Al
    Alwi I, 
    653 F.3d 11
    , and remains unaffected by this petition and
    appeal. Instead, Al-Alwi’s petition advances two arguments to
    5
    support his claim that the Government’s established detention
    authority has expired. First, Al-Alwi argues that the United
    States’ authority to detain him has “unraveled” because the
    conflict in which he participated is a new species of conflict
    uninformed by the previous law of war. Second, and
    alternatively, Al-Alwi argues that the conflict has ended. On a
    separate and final note, Al-Alwi asserts on appeal due process
    violations and a need for further discovery in district court. We
    reject all of Al-Alwi’s arguments.
    A. Authority to detain has not unraveled
    The Congress’s “grant of authority” in the AUMF “for the
    use of ‘necessary and appropriate force,’” the United States
    Supreme Court has held, authorizes detention of enemy
    combatants “for the duration of the particular conflict in which
    they were captured.” Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 
    542 U.S. 507
    , 518,
    521 (2004) (plurality opinion) (quoting AUMF); accord 
    id. at 579
     (Thomas, J., dissenting) (“The Executive Branch . . . has
    determined that [petitioner] is an enemy combatant and should
    be detained. This detention falls squarely within the Federal
    Government’s war powers, and we lack the expertise and
    capacity to second-guess that decision. As such, petitioners’
    habeas challenge should fail . . . .”); see Uthman v. Obama, 
    637 F.3d 400
    , 402 (D.C. Cir. 2011) (“The AUMF . . . authorizes the
    Executive Branch to detain” enemy combatants “for the
    duration of hostilities.”). And the 2012 National Defense
    Authorization Act permits “[d]etention under the law of
    war . . . until the end of the hostilities authorized by the”
    AUMF. Pub. L. No. 112-81, § 1021(c)(1). Neither of these
    enactments places limits on the length of detention in an
    ongoing conflict. Our baseline, then, is that the AUMF remains
    in force if hostilities between the United States and the Taliban
    and al Qaeda continue. See Ali v. Obama, 
    736 F.3d 542
    , 552
    (D.C. Cir. 2013) (“[T]he 2001 AUMF does not have a time
    6
    limit, and the Constitution allows detention of enemy
    combatants for the duration of hostilities.”). Such hostilities
    continue, as discussed in more detail infra. See, e.g., Redacted
    Declaration of Rear Admiral Andrew L. Lewis ¶¶ 11–12 (Feb.
    1, 2016), JA 754–55 (“Fighting [between the Taliban and U.S.
    forces] has been nearly continuous since February 2015
    . . . . From January 2015 to [February 2016], there have been
    numerous, specific instances of hostile forces, including the
    Taliban and al-Qaeda, attacking or planning to attack U.S.
    personnel and facilities in Afghanistan.”); United States Air
    Forces Central Command, 2010–2015 Airpower Statistics
    (Oct. 31, 2015), JA 579 (indicating United States released 847
    weapons during 2015).
    Nevertheless, Al-Alwi maintains that traditional law-of-
    war principles, which the Hamdi plurality said grounded its
    “understanding” of the AUMF’s detention authority, 
    542 U.S. at 521
    , do not apply to the conflict here because of the conflict’s
    duration, geographic scope and variety of parties involved. The
    “unprecedented” circumstances of the Afghanistan-based
    conflict, Al-Alwi argues, “ha[ve] eroded the United States’
    detention authority under the AUMF.” Appellant’s Br. 17. But
    Al-Alwi’s cited authorities, see Appellant’s Br. 16, merely
    suggest the possibility that the duration of a conflict may affect
    the Government’s detention authority and, in any event, are not
    controlling. See Hamdi, 
    542 U.S. at 521
     (plurality opinion)
    (“understanding” of detention authority “may unravel” if
    circumstances of conflict “are entirely unlike those” of
    previous conflicts (emphasis added)); Boumediene v. Bush, 
    553 U.S. 723
    , 771 (2008) (holding that Constitution applies at
    Guantanamo Bay and noting, in context of rejecting
    Government argument that such holding would be
    unprecedented, conflict resulting in Guantanamo Bay detention
    “is already among the longest wars in American history”);
    Hussain v. Obama, 
    134 S. Ct. 1621
    , 1622 (2014) (statement of
    7
    Breyer, J., respecting denial of certiorari) (Court has not
    “considered whether, assuming detention . . . is permissible,
    either the AUMF or the Constitution limits the duration of
    detention”). These statements, then, do not provide a
    “foundation” for Al-Alwi’s theory to prevail or persuade. Al-
    Bihani v. Obama, 
    590 F.3d 866
    , 875 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (rejecting
    petitioner’s “clean hands” theory he argued undermined
    Government’s authority to detain him in part because “the
    citation [petitioner] gives to support his theory is not
    controlling”).
    Moreover, Al-Alwi has not identified any international
    law principle affirmatively stating that detention of enemy
    combatants may not continue until the end of active hostilities,
    even in a long war. Instead, law-of-war principles are open-
    ended and unqualified on the subject. See Hamdi, 
    542 U.S. at 520
     (plurality opinion) (citing Article 118 of the Geneva
    Convention (III) Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War
    and Article 20 of the Hague Convention (II) on Laws and
    Customs of War on Land as support for “clearly established
    principle of the law of war” that detention may continue during
    “active hostilities”); accord 
    id. at 588
     (Thomas, J., dissenting)
    (noting that “the power to detain does not end with the
    cessation of formal hostilities”). Nor has Al-Alwi advanced an
    alternative detention rule that should apply at this point.
    Although he urges that we “must impose a limit” on the
    Government’s statutory authority to continue detaining him,
    Appellant’s Br. 21, he provides no description of a limit and
    points to no controlling authority setting a possible limit. Cf.
    Ali, 736 F.3d at 552 (“[A]bsent a statute that imposes a time
    limit or creates a sliding-scale standard that becomes more
    stringent over time, it is not the Judiciary’s proper role to devise
    a novel detention standard that varies with the length of
    detention.”).
    8
    Accordingly, we continue to follow Hamdi’s
    interpretation of the AUMF and the National Defense
    Authorization Act’s plain language. Both of those sources
    authorize detention until the end of hostilities. Although
    hostilities have been ongoing for a considerable amount of
    time, they have not ended. As in Hamdi, then, “the situation we
    face” does not support Al-Alwi’s theory of unraveling
    authority because “[a]ctive combat operations against Taliban
    fighters apparently are ongoing in Afghanistan.” 
    542 U.S. at 521
     (plurality opinion). Therefore, we reject Al-Alwi’s
    argument that the United States’ authority to detain him has
    “unraveled.”
    B. Authority to detain has not expired
    In the alternative, Al-Alwi argues that the United States’
    detention authority has expired because the “relevant conflict,”
    Hamdi, 
    542 U.S. at 521
     (plurality opinion), in which he was
    captured and detained has ended. We disagree.
    The “termination” of hostilities is “a political act.”
    Ludecke v. Watkins, 
    335 U.S. 160
    , 168–69 (1948). If the “life
    of a statute” conferring war powers on the Executive “is
    defined by the existence of a war, Congress leaves the
    determination of when a war is concluded to the usual political
    agencies of the Government.” 
    Id.
     at 169 n.13; see also Al-
    Bihani, 590 F.3d at 874 (in absence of Congressional definition
    of end of war, “we defer to the Executive’s opinion on the
    matter”). “Whether and when it would be open to this Court to
    find that a war though merely formally kept alive had in fact
    ended, is a question too fraught with gravity even to be
    adequately formulated when not compelled.” Ludecke, 
    335 U.S. at 169
    .
    The question alluded to in Ludecke is not compelled here.
    The AUMF authorizes detention for the duration of the conflict
    9
    between the United States and the Taliban and al Qaeda.
    National Defense Authorization Act, Pub. L. No. 112-81,
    § 1021(a), (b)(2), (c)(1); Uthman, 
    637 F.3d at 402
    . We
    affirmed the district court’s earlier determination that Al-Alwi
    was part of either the Taliban or al Qaeda. Al Alwi I, 
    653 F.3d at
    15–20. The Executive Branch represents that armed
    hostilities between United States forces and those entities
    persist. See Letter from the President to the Speaker of the
    House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the
    Senate (June 13, 2016) (“The United States currently remains
    in an armed conflict against al-Qa’ida, the Taliban, and
    associated forces, and active hostilities against those groups
    remain ongoing.”), JA 885; Letter from the President to the
    Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President Pro
    Tempore of the Senate (June 6, 2017) (“The United States
    remains in an armed conflict [in Afghanistan], including
    against the Taliban, and active hostilities remain ongoing.”),
    perma.cc/Q769-DKQY. The record confirms the Executive
    Branch’s representations. See, e.g., Redacted Declaration of
    Rear Admiral Andrew L. Lewis ¶¶ 11–12 (Feb. 1, 2016), JA
    754–55 (“Fighting [between the Taliban and U.S. forces] has
    been nearly continuous since February 2015. . . . From January
    2015 to [February 2016], there have been numerous, specific
    instances of hostile forces, including the Taliban and al-Qaeda,
    attacking or planning to attack U.S. personnel and facilities in
    Afghanistan.”); United States Air Forces Central Command,
    2010–2015 Airpower Statistics (Oct. 31, 2015), JA 579
    (indicating United States released 847 weapons during 2015);
    Statement of Gen. John F. Campbell (Mar. 4, 2015), JA 124
    (“[W]e continue to attack the remnants of al-Qaeda” in
    Afghanistan). Al-Alwi does not contest the accuracy of this
    record and his counsel conceded at oral argument that “there is
    a shooting war in Afghanistan [that] involves U.S. elements.”
    Oral Arg. Tr. 39:19–20.
    10
    Al-Alwi argues that the nature of the hostilities has
    changed such that the “particular conflict in which [he was]
    captured,” Hamdi, 
    542 U.S. at 518
     (plurality opinion), is not
    the same conflict that remains ongoing today. Al-Alwi was
    captured during Operation Enduring Freedom, the U.S.
    military campaign launched in 2001 to “defeat[] al Qaeda” and
    remove the Taliban from power in Afghanistan. JA 64.
    President Obama announced the “end” of Operation Enduring
    Freedom at the end of 2014. JA 63. President Obama
    contemporaneously announced the “begin[ning]” of Operation
    Freedom’s Sentinel. JA 63. The new Operation “pursue[d] two
    missions”: to “continue [supporting] Afghan security forces”
    and to “continue our counterterrorism mission against the
    remnants of Al-Qaeda.” JA 63. The transition from Operation
    Enduring Freedom to Operation Freedom’s Sentinel, Al-Alwi
    contends, terminated the Government’s power under the
    AUMF to detain him.
    We disagree. As indicated above, the AUMF authorizes
    detention during active hostilities between the United States
    and the Taliban and al Qaeda. Nothing in the text of the AUMF
    or the National Defense Authorization Act suggests that a
    change in the form of hostilities, if hostilities between the
    relevant entities are ongoing, cuts off AUMF authorization. Cf.
    Al-Bihani, 590 F.3d at 874 (rejecting petitioner’s argument that
    “current hostilities are a different conflict” based on Taliban
    shift from government to non-government form and noting
    common sense and laws of war “do not draw such fine
    distinctions”); Ali, 736 F.3d at 552 (acknowledging that “this
    is a long war with no end in sight” but stating that “war against
    al Qaeda, the Taliban, and associated forces obviously
    continues” and detention authority under AUMF has no
    statutory “time limit”). However characterized, the Executive
    Branch represents, with ample support from record evidence,
    that the hostilities described in the AUMF continue. In the
    11
    absence of a contrary Congressional command, that controls.
    See Ludecke, 
    335 U.S. at
    168–70 (deferring to political branch
    determination that “war with Germany” persisted despite fact
    that Germany had “surrender[ed]” and “Nazi Reich” had
    “disintegrat[ed]”).
    Al-Alwi also argues that the United States’ entry into a
    bilateral security agreement (Agreement) with Afghanistan
    “mark[ed] the end of the original armed conflict” resulting in
    Al-Alwi’s detention “and the commencement of a new one.”
    Appellant’s Br. 33. In the Agreement, the United States
    declared that its “forces shall not conduct combat operations in
    Afghanistan.” Security and Defense Cooperation Agreement,
    Afg.-U.S., Art. 2 ¶ 1, Sept. 30, 2014. Instead, the United States
    agreed to “undertake supporting activities” to assist Afghan
    security. 
    Id.
     at Art. 2 ¶ 2. Al-Alwi contends that the United
    States’ new role as a result of the Agreement changed the
    “relevant conflict” and therefore the United States Government
    has been divested of authority to detain him.
    But the Agreement does not declare an end to the conflict
    on which Al-Alwi’s detention is based and the beginning of a
    new one. Although the Agreement indicates that the United
    States’ military operations in Afghanistan have changed, at the
    same time it “acknowledge[s] that U.S. military operations to
    defeat al-Qaida and its affiliates may be appropriate in the
    common fight against terrorism.” 
    Id.
     at Art. 2 ¶ 4. The
    Agreement also contemplates “U.S. military counter-terrorism
    operations.” 
    Id.
     It does not declare an end to the conflict
    resulting in Al-Alwi’s detention and the beginning of a
    different one.
    “If the record establishes that United States troops are still
    involved in active combat in Afghanistan,” detention of
    “Taliban combatants” is “part of the exercise of ‘necessary and
    12
    appropriate force,’ and therefore [is] authorized by the
    AUMF.” Hamdi, 
    542 U.S. at 521
     (plurality opinion) (quoting
    AUMF). The record so manifests here. Although United States
    troops are involved in combat with a different operation name,
    they nonetheless remain in active combat with the Taliban and
    al Qaeda. Accordingly, the “relevant conflict” has not ended.
    
    Id.
     The Government’s authority to detain Al-Alwi pursuant to
    the AUMF has not terminated.
    C. Due process challenges and discovery request
    Al-Alwi raises three additional arguments on appeal. First,
    he asserts that his continued detention, even if authorized by
    the AUMF, violates substantive due process protections.
    Second, he asserts that procedural due process requires more
    procedural protections in future proceedings, including a
    greater evidentiary burden of proof, than he has received so far.
    Third, he asserts that the district court should have allowed
    limited discovery on the differences between Operation
    Enduring Freedom and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel.
    We do not reach the merits of these arguments, however,
    because Al-Alwi forfeited them. Neither Al-Alwi’s habeas
    petition nor his opposition to the Government’s motion to
    dismiss mentioned any of these arguments. And Al-Alwi made
    none of the claims at oral argument in district court. By not
    asserting these arguments in the district court, Al-Alwi
    forfeited them and we do not reach them. See Keepseagle v.
    Perdue, 
    856 F.3d 1039
    , 1053 (D.C. Cir. 2017) (“issues and
    legal theories not asserted” in district court “ordinarily will not
    be heard on appeal” (internal quotation omitted)).
    For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the district
    court is affirmed.
    So ordered.