In re Ontiveros ( 2021 )


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  • Filed 6/21/21
    CERTIFIED FOR PUBLICATION
    COURT OF APPEAL, FOURTH APPELLATE DISTRICT
    DIVISION ONE
    STATE OF CALIFORNIA
    D077905
    In re ISRAEL ONTIVEROS on Habeas
    Corpus.                                        (San Diego Super. Ct.
    Nos. SCD264642,
    SCD263128, and
    HC24134)
    ORIGINAL PROCEEDING in habeas corpus. Steven E. Stone, Judge.
    Petition denied.
    Israel Ontiveros, in pro. per., and Ava R. Stralla, under appointment of
    the Court of Appeal, for Petitioner.
    Rob Bonta, Attorney General, Phillip J. Lindsay, Assistant Attorney
    General, Amanda J. Murray and Gregory J. Marcot, Deputy Attorneys
    General, for Respondent.
    In 2017, Israel Ontiveros was convicted of multiple felonies and
    sentenced to state prison in two criminal cases. In the first case, a jury
    convicted Ontiveros on two counts of assault with a deadly weapon
    (Pen. Code, § 245, subd. (a)(1)) with gang enhancements (id., § 186.22,
    subd. (b)(1)). Ontiveros apparently admitted suffering a prior serious felony
    conviction (id., § 667, subd. (a)(1)), a “strike” prior (id., § 667, subd. (d)), and a
    prison prior (id., § 667.5, subd. (b)). The trial court sentenced Ontiveros to an
    effective prison term of 19 years 8 months. In the second case, Ontiveros
    pleaded guilty to one count of robbery (id., § 211), and again he apparently
    admitted a prior serious felony conviction (id., § 667, subd. (a)(1)). The court
    sentenced Ontiveros to a term of seven years in prison, to run consecutively
    with Ontiveros’s sentence in the first case.
    Two years later, Ontiveros requested early parole consideration under
    Proposition 57, the Public Safety and Rehabilitation Act of 2016.
    Proposition 57 amended the California Constitution to provide, in relevant
    part, that “[a]ny person convicted of a nonviolent felony offense and
    sentenced to state prison shall be eligible for parole consideration after
    completing the full term for his or her primary offense.” (Cal. Const., art. I,
    § 32, subd. (a)(1); section 32(a)(1).) The California Department of Corrections
    and Rehabilitation (CDCR) denied his request. The trial court likewise
    denied his petition for writ of habeas corpus. The court reasoned that,
    because one of Ontiveros’s convictions was for a violent felony (robbery), he
    was ineligible for early parole consideration under Proposition 57.
    Ontiveros petitioned this court for habeas relief. He relied primarily on
    In re Mohammad (2019) 
    42 Cal.App.5th 719
    , 726 (Mohammad), review
    granted February 19, 2020, S259999. Ontiveros’s propria persona petition
    requested judicial notice of that opinion. We deny his request as unnecessary
    because published opinions may simply be cited as authority. (See Jaramillo
    v. County of Orange (2011) 
    200 Cal.App.4th 811
    , 817-818.)
    Mohammad held that an inmate is eligible for early nonviolent offender
    parole consideration under Proposition 57 as long as any of the inmate’s
    current convictions is for a nonviolent offense, even if he was convicted of
    other, violent offenses. (Mohammad, supra, 42 Cal.App.5th at p. 726, review
    granted.) It explained, “Proposition 57 is in no way ambiguous: under [its
    provisions], an inmate who is serving an aggregate sentence for more than
    2
    one conviction will be eligible for an early parole hearing if one of those
    convictions was for ‘a’ nonviolent felony offense.” (Ibid.) We issued an order
    to show cause why Ontiveros was not entitled to relief.
    In response, the Attorney General argued that Mohammad’s
    interpretation of Proposition 57 is inconsistent with the intent of the voters
    and leads to an absurd result. He relied on two recent opinions disagreeing
    with Mohammad. (See In re Viehmeyer (2021) 
    62 Cal.App.5th 973
    (Viehmeyer); In re Douglas (2021) 
    62 Cal.App.5th 726
     (Douglas).)
    We join Viehmeyer and Douglas in disagreeing with Mohammad’s
    conclusion that an inmate serving a determinate sentence for both violent
    and nonviolent convictions is entitled to early parole consideration under
    Proposition 57. Even accepting Mohammad’s position that the language of
    Proposition 57 unambiguously applies to such inmates, such application
    would lead to the absurd result that an inmate convicted of a violent offense
    and several nonviolent offenses would be entitled to earlier parole
    consideration than an inmate convicted of only the violent offense. A policy
    that rewards inmates for additional convictions is plainly unreasonable.
    Under established principles of statutory construction, we are not bound to
    follow the literal interpretation of the text if it would lead to such an absurd
    and unreasonable result that could not have been intended. We therefore
    conclude Ontiveros is not entitled to early parole consideration under
    Proposition 57 and deny his petition.
    DISCUSSION
    Proposition 57 was approved by the voters in 2016. (See generally In re
    Gadlin (2020) 
    10 Cal.5th 915
    , 922-923 (Gadlin).) As noted, it amended the
    California Constitution to provide that “[a]ny person convicted of a nonviolent
    felony offense and sentenced to state prison shall be eligible for parole
    3
    consideration after completing the full term for his or her primary offense.”
    (§ 32(a)(1).) The “full term for the primary offense” was defined as “the
    longest term of imprisonment imposed by the court for any offense, excluding
    the imposition of an enhancement, consecutive sentence, or alternative
    sentence.” (§ 32(a)(1)(A).)
    The proposition directed CDCR to “adopt regulations in furtherance of
    these provisions, and the Secretary of the Department of Corrections and
    Rehabilitation shall certify that these regulations protect and enhance public
    safety.” (§ 32(b).) As relevant here, the CDCR’s regulations exclude an
    inmate from early parole consideration if he “is currently serving a term of
    incarceration for a ‘violent felony.’ ” (Cal. Code Regs., tit. 15, § 3490,
    subd. (a)(5).) The regulations define a violent felony as “a crime or
    enhancement as defined in subdivision (c) of Section 667.5 of the Penal Code.”
    (Cal. Code Regs., tit. 15, § 3490, subd. (c).) The CDCR and the trial court
    relied on these regulations to deny Ontiveros relief, since his current prison
    term is based in part on a conviction for robbery, which is a violent felony
    under Penal Code section 667.5, subdivision (c)(9). (See In re Reeves (2005)
    
    35 Cal.4th 765
    , 772, 773 [explaining that “multiple consecutive determinate
    terms must be combined into a single, ‘aggregate term of imprisonment for all
    [such] convictions’ ”].)
    The standard for reviewing CDCR’s regulations is well-settled: “In
    evaluating the validity of a regulation . . . , we first ask whether the
    regulation is ‘ “consistent and not in conflict with” ’ the provision that
    authorizes it. [Citation.] We then inquire whether the regulation is
    reasonably necessary to effectuate the purpose of the authorizing law.
    [Citations.] Our task as a reviewing court ‘ “ ‘is to decide whether the
    [agency] reasonably interpreted [its] mandate.’ ” ’ [Citation.] We presume
    4
    the validity of a regulation promulgated by a state agency. [Citation.] The
    burden lies with the party challenging the regulation to show its invalidity.
    [Citation.] ‘Such a limited scope of review constitutes no judicial interference
    with the administrative discretion in that aspect of the rulemaking function
    which requires a high degree of technical skill and expertise.’ [Citation.] [¶]
    ‘ “Our function is to inquire into the legality of the regulations, not their
    wisdom.” ’ [Citation.] Still, ‘ “ ‘final responsibility for the interpretation of
    the law rests with the courts.’ [Citations.] Administrative regulations that
    alter or amend the statute or enlarge or impair its scope are void and courts
    not only may, but it is their obligation to[,] strike down such regulations.” ’ ”
    (Gadlin, supra, 10 Cal.5th at p. 926.)
    “To determine whether the regulation here is consistent with the
    constitutional provisions enacted by Proposition 57, we must interpret the
    constitutional provisions themselves. Our ‘primary concern’ in construing a
    constitutional provision enacted through voter initiative is ‘giving effect to
    the intended purpose of the provisions at issue.’ [Citation.] And, ‘[i]n
    interpreting a voter initiative . . . , we apply the same principles that govern
    statutory construction.’ ” (Gadlin, supra, 10 Cal.5th at pp. 926-927.)
    “ ‘The fundamental purpose of statutory construction is to ascertain the
    intent of the lawmakers so as to effectuate the purpose of the law.
    [Citations.] In order to determine this intent, we begin by examining the
    language of the statute. [Citations.] But “[i]t is a settled principle of
    statutory interpretation that language of a statute should not be given a
    literal meaning if doing so would result in absurd consequences which the
    Legislature did not intend.” [Citations.] Thus, “[t]he intent prevails over the
    letter, and the letter will, if possible, be so read as to conform to the spirit of
    the act.” [Citation.] Finally, we do not construe statutes in isolation, but
    5
    rather read every statute “with reference to the entire scheme of law of which
    it is part so that the whole may be harmonized and retain effectiveness.”
    [Citation.]’ [Citation.] We must also consider ‘the object to be achieved and
    the evil to be prevented by the legislation. [Citations.]’ [Citation.] These
    guiding principles apply equally to the interpretation of voter initiatives.”
    (Horwich v. Superior Court (1999) 
    21 Cal.4th 272
    , 276; accord, Arias v.
    Superior Court (2009) 
    46 Cal.4th 969
    , 979 (Arias).)
    Mohammad examined the language of Proposition 57 and found it clear
    and unambiguous: “Section 32(a)(1) makes early parole hearings available to
    ‘[a]ny person convicted of a nonviolent felony offense’ upon completion of ‘the
    full term of his or her primary offense.’ The phrase ‘a nonviolent felony
    offense’ takes the singular form, which indicates it applies to an inmate so
    long as he or she commits ‘a’ single nonviolent felony offense—even if that
    offense is not his or her only offense. This interpretation is reinforced by the
    term ‘primary offense,’ which demonstrates the provision assumes an inmate
    might be serving a sentence for more than one offense, i.e., a primary offense
    and other secondary offenses.” (Mohammad, supra, 42 Cal.App.5th at p. 726,
    review granted.)
    The court continued, “Section 32(a)(1) extends early parole
    consideration to persons ‘convicted of a nonviolent felony offense.’ (Italics
    added.) Under section 32(a)(1)(A), an inmate who is ‘convicted of a
    nonviolent felony offense’ not only remains eligible if he or she is sentenced to
    a consecutive sentence, but in fact, becomes eligible for an early parole
    hearing prior to serving that consecutive sentence. There is just no escaping
    the conclusion that the text Proposition 57 added to the Constitution
    obviously contemplates inmates would be sent to prison for more than one
    criminal offense and would qualify for early parole consideration if one of
    6
    those offenses was a nonviolent offense.” (Mohammad, supra, 42 Cal.App.5th
    at p. 727, review granted.)
    Mohammad recognized, however, that its conclusion was open to
    question. “It cannot be, the argument goes, that voters intended a defendant
    who is convicted of more crimes, i.e., both violent and nonviolent felonies, to
    be eligible for early parole consideration while a defendant convicted of fewer
    crimes, i.e., the same violent felony but no nonviolent felonies, is not.”
    (Mohammad, supra, 42 Cal.App.5th at p. 727, review granted.) Mohammad
    did not explore this line of thinking, in part because the Attorney General
    apparently had not raised it. Mohammad held, “The Constitution’s text
    compels the result we reach, and we are not prepared to declare that result so
    absurd [citation] as to disregard the Constitution’s plain meaning—and,
    indeed, the Attorney General does not ask us to.” (Id. at p. 728.)
    Mohammad further recognized that its rationale “bespeaks a certain
    self-aware naivete” about the knowledge of the voting public. (Mohammad,
    supra, 42 Cal.App.5th at p. 728, review granted.) This language appears to
    acknowledge the likelihood that Mohammad’s literal interpretation of
    Proposition 57 diverges from the policy voters believed they were enacting.
    In the court’s view, however, failing to adopt a literal interpretation would
    “invite confusion and manipulation of the initiative process.” (Ibid.) If the
    voters intended something different than the text itself, they were free to
    amend the Constitution again. (Ibid.)
    We accept, for purposes of our opinion, that the text of Proposition 57 is
    clear and unambiguous, as Mohammad held, and a literal reading would
    include Ontiveros. He is a “person convicted of a nonviolent felony offense
    and sentenced to state prison” and therefore “eligible for parole consideration
    after completing the full term for his or her primary offense.” (See § 32(a)(1).)
    7
    But we disagree that any reasonable person could have intended such a
    result. Its absurdity is clear even without considering the specific context of
    Proposition 57. Our society abhors crime and seeks to deter and punish it.
    We do not reward it. It, indeed, “cannot be . . . that voters intended a
    defendant who is convicted of more crimes, i.e., both violent and nonviolent
    felonies, to be eligible for early parole consideration while a defendant
    convicted of fewer crimes, i.e., the same violent felony but no nonviolent
    felonies, is not.” (See Mohammad, supra, 42 Cal.App.5th at p. 727, review
    granted, italics added.) This result is so absurd and unreasonable that the
    electorate could not have intended it.
    Douglas similarly concluded that Mohammad’s literal interpretation of
    Proposition 57 would lead to an absurd result the voters did not intend.
    (Douglas, supra, 62 Cal.App.5th at p. 731.) It explained, “Here is but one
    example of an absurd result. The literal language of section 32(a)(1) suggests
    that an inmate convicted of 10 violent felonies and one nonviolent felony
    would be eligible for early parole consideration after serving the full term of
    his or her primary offense, whatever that primary offense might be. But an
    inmate convicted of the same 10 violent felonies without a nonviolent felony
    conviction would be ineligible for early parole consideration under
    section 32(a)(1). Such a result would encourage and reward a violent felon’s
    commission of at least one additional nonviolent felony, would be inconsistent
    with sound public policy, and would make no sense.” (Id. at p. 732;
    see Viehmeyer, supra, 62 Cal.App.5th at p. 987.) We agree.
    A literal interpretation of Proposition 57 likewise specifically conflicts
    with one of its main purposes. The proposition states that its provisions were
    enacted to “enhance public safety, improve rehabilitation, and avoid the
    release of prisoners by federal court order[.]” (§ 32(a).) As Viehmeyer
    8
    recognized, a literal interpretation “ ‘is contrary to a main purpose of
    section 32(a), namely to ‘enhance public safety.’ ” (Viehmeyer, supra,
    62 Cal.App.5th at p. 985.)
    Moreover, “[i]n determining the purpose of an initiative measure, we
    consider the analysis and arguments contained in the official election
    materials submitted to the voters.” (Arias, 
    supra,
     46 Cal.4th at p. 979.) The
    ballot summary explains, in relevant part, that Proposition 57 “[a]llows
    parole consideration for persons convicted of nonviolent felonies, upon
    completion of [the] prison term for their primary offense, as defined” and it
    “[r]equires [CDCR] to adopt regulations to implement new parole and
    sentence credit provisions and certify they enhance public safety.” This
    concern for public safety reinforces Proposition 57’s explicit purposes, and it
    confirms the voters did not intend to overturn the fundamental principle that
    an inmate should not be rewarded for committing additional crimes.
    The analysis by the Legislative Analyst noted that parole consideration
    hearings are normally provided to inmates serving an indeterminate term.
    The analysis explained, “Individuals who receive a determinate sentence do
    not need a parole consideration hearing to be released from prison at the end
    of their sentence. However, some of these individuals currently are eligible
    for parole consideration hearings before they have served their entire
    sentence. For example, certain individuals who have not been convicted of
    violent felonies are currently eligible for parole consideration after they have
    served half of their prison sentence. This was one of several measures put in
    place by a federal court to reduce the state’s prison population.” It described
    the amendments here under the heading “Parole Consideration for
    Nonviolent Offenders.” It stated, “The measure changes the State
    Constitution to make individuals who are convicted of ‘nonviolent felony’
    9
    offenses eligible for parole consideration after serving the full prison term for
    their primary offense.” To the extent this analysis sheds light on the issue
    here, it supports the proposition that “Nonviolent Offenders” are entitled to
    parole consideration, excluding by implication inmates who were convicted of
    a violent offense.
    Indeed, in their rebuttal argument, the proponents of Proposition 57
    made this idea explicit. They maintained that the proposition “[d]oes NOT
    authorize parole for violent offenders. The California Supreme Court clearly
    stated that parole eligibility under [Proposition] 57 applies, ‘only to prisoners
    convicted of non-violent felonies.’ [Citation.] Violent criminals as defined in
    Penal Code [section] 667.5[, subdivision ](c) are excluded from parole.”
    “These arguments indicate that a person convicted of one or more
    violent felony offenses would not be eligible for early parole consideration,
    even if the person was also convicted of a nonviolent felony offense.”
    (Douglas, supra, 62 Cal.App.5th at p. 733.) Similarly, as Viehmeyer noted,
    “The inescapable conclusion from the portions of ballot materials cited here is
    that, in approving Proposition 57, the voters intended to enact a mechanism
    for providing early parole consideration only to nonviolent felons, and not to
    violent felons who by happenstance were also convicted of a nonviolent
    felony . . . .” (Viehmeyer, supra, 62 Cal.App.5th at p. 987.)
    Ontiveros claims the proponents’ arguments “merely beg the question
    whether Proposition 57 treated mixed-offenders whose primary offense was
    nonviolent as included in or excluded from its program for early parole
    consideration.” We disagree. The proponents’ arguments do not merely beg
    the question. They answer it: “Violent criminals as defined in Penal
    Code 667.5[, subdivision ](c) are excluded from parole.” (Italics added.)
    10
    Ontiveros also claims that a literal reading of Proposition 57 is not
    absurd. He argues “there is nothing unreasonable in the electorate’s focus on
    the nonviolent nature of a prisoner’s primary offense in fashioning a program
    for early parole consideration to reduce the prison population.” Douglas
    considered and rejected an identical argument: “Douglas suggests that if
    section 32(a)(1) were interpreted to apply only to an inmate whose primary
    offense was a nonviolent felony, it would not lead to absurd results. He
    claims there is ‘nothing unreasonable in the electorate’s focus on the
    nonviolent nature of a prisoner’s primary offense in fashioning a program for
    early parole consideration to reduce the prison population.’ But Douglas’s
    view does not find support in the language of section 32(a)(1) or in the
    election materials. Section 32(a)(1) does not require the primary offense to be
    a nonviolent felony conviction. And the election materials indicate that a
    person with a violent felony conviction is not eligible for early parole
    consideration. In any event, Douglas’s proposed interpretation does not
    alleviate the concern that a person with many violent felony convictions could
    be rewarded for committing at least one additional nonviolent felony, as long
    as the sentencing judge designates the nonviolent felony as the primary
    offense.” (Douglas, supra, 62 Cal.App.5th at pp. 733-734; see Viehmeyer,
    supra, 62 Cal.App.5th at p. 987.) Again, we agree with Douglas.
    In sum, the literal interpretation of Proposition 57 articulated in
    Mohammad and adopted by Ontiveros would lead to absurd results the
    voters did not intend. Ontiveros’s contention that we should invalidate
    CDCR’s implementing regulations based on that interpretation is therefore
    unpersuasive. He has not shown the CDCR erred by excluding him from
    early parole consideration under Proposition 57 or that he is otherwise
    entitled to relief.
    11
    DISPOSITION
    The petition is denied.
    GUERRERO, J.
    WE CONCUR:
    HALLER, Acting P. J.
    IRION, J.
    12
    

Document Info

Docket Number: D077905

Filed Date: 6/21/2021

Precedential Status: Precedential

Modified Date: 6/21/2021