Paul Zukerberg v. District of Columbia Board of Elections and Ethics , 97 A.3d 1064 ( 2014 )


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    DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA COURT OF APPEALS
    No. 14-CV-222
    PAUL ZUKERBERG, APPELLANT
    v.
    DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA BOARD OF ELECTIONS AND ETHICS, et al., APPELLEES.
    Appeal from the Superior Court of the District of Columbia
    (CAB-8004-13)
    (Hon. Laura A. Cordero, Trial Judge)
    (Argued May 29, 2014                              Decided August 21, 2014 )
    Gary Thompson for appellant.
    Richard S. Love, Senior Assistant Attorney General, with whom Irvin B.
    Nathan, Attorney General for the District of Columbia, Todd S. Kim, Solicitor
    General, and Loren L. AliKhan, Deputy Solicitor General, were on the brief, for
    appellee.
    Before BECKWITH, EASTERLY, and MCLEESE, Associate Judges.
    EASTERLY, Associate Judge: In 2010, the District of Columbia Charter was
    amended to allow District residents to elect their Attorney General. In this case,
    the court considered whether that amendment required the first election for the
    office of Attorney General to be held in 2014. We heard oral argument on May 29,
    2
    2014. On June 4, 2014, we issued an order holding that the District must schedule
    an election in 2014 or, if that is not practically possible, as soon as practically
    possible in 2015. We thus reversed the trial court‘s dismissal of the suit brought
    by Mr. Zukerberg seeking to enforce this requirement, and we remanded the case
    to the trial court for further proceedings consistent with our decision. To ensure
    that this court was not the cause of further delay in complying with the 2010
    Elected Attorney General Charter Amendment (―the 2010 Charter Amendment‖),
    we gave only a summary of the reasoning for our holding in the June 4, 2014,
    order. We now publish this opinion to more fully explain our resolution of the
    issues presented in this case.
    I.     The District of Columbia Charter and Its Procedures for Amendment
    Before we discuss the 2010 Charter Amendment that created the elected
    office of Attorney General, we review what the District of Columbia Charter is and
    how it may be amended.
    As its residents are well aware, the District of Columbia is not a state. It is a
    federal district that was specially created for the seat of our national government by
    Congress pursuant to powers conferred in Article I of the United States
    3
    Constitution.1 Article I also gave Congress plenary legislative power over the
    federal district that became the District of Columbia.2 How Congress exercised
    that power to oversee the municipal affairs of the District from the late eighteenth
    century to the latter half of the twentieth century need not concern us. Thus, we
    fast forward to 1973 when the District‘s local government took its current shape
    with the passage, by Congress, of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act.3
    The Home Rule Act created the District of Columbia Charter (―the
    Charter‖),4 which in turn established a new ―means of governance‖5 for the
    District. Most important for the purpose of this discussion, Congress expressed its
    ―intent . . . to delegate certain legislative powers to the government of the District
    of Columbia‖ and to ―authorize the election of certain local officials by the
    1
    U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 17; see also Feaster v. Vance, 
    832 A.2d 1277
    ,
    1287 (D.C. 2003) (explaining that ―[a]mongst political entities the District has a
    unique status; it is truly sui generis in our governmental structure‖) (internal
    quotation marks omitted).
    2
    U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 17 (granting Congress the power ―[t]o exercise
    exclusive [l]egislation in all [c]ases whatsoever‖ over the contemplated federal
    district).
    3
    See 
    D.C. Code § 1-201.01
     et seq. (2012 Repl.).
    4
    
    D.C. Code §§ 1-203.01
     to .03, 1-204.01 to .115. The Charter itself had to
    be accepted ―by a majority of the registered qualified electors of the District voting
    thereon in the charter referendum.‖ 
    D.C. Code § 1-203.01
    .
    5
    
    D.C. Code § 1-203.01
    .
    4
    registered qualified electors in the District of Columbia.‖6 To this end, the Home
    Rule Act created the current 13-member legislative body, the Council of the
    District of Columbia, and the elected office of Mayor.7
    The Charter was not intended to be immutable. Congress, pursuant to its
    plenary legislative power, retained the ability to amend the newly created Charter
    through legislation.   In addition, Congress authorized a means by which the
    residents of the District could take matters into their own hands and amend the
    Charter in a two-step process that required first that their representatives on the
    Council pass legislation and then that that legislation be ―ratified by a majority of
    6
    
    D.C. Code § 1-201.02
     (a). The motivation of Congress in taking these
    steps was to ―grant to the inhabitants of the District of Columbia powers of local
    self-government; modernize, reorganize, and otherwise improve the governmental
    structure of the District of Columbia; and, to the greatest extent possible, . . .
    relieve Congress of the burden of legislating upon essentially local District
    matters.‖ 
    Id.
     Congress nonetheless retained ―ultimate legislative authority‖ over
    the District consistent with the mandate of Article I. 
    Id.
    7
    
    D.C. Code §§ 1-204.01
     to .13, 1-204.21 to .23. The Home Rule Act also
    vested the judicial power with the pre-existing District of Columbia courts (the
    District of Columbia Court of Appeals and Superior Court), which had been
    created by Congress with the passage of the District of Columbia Court
    Reorganization Act of 1970, Pub. L. No. 91–358, 
    84 Stat. 475
     (codified as
    amended at 
    D.C. Code § 11-101
     et seq. (2012 Repl.)). See 
    D.C. Code § 1-204.31
    (a).
    5
    the registered qualified electors of the District voting in the referendum held for
    such ratification.‖8
    When the second mechanism to amend the Charter is employed, the Council
    initiates the process.    A bill must first be introduced in the Council by a
    Councilmember, or by the Mayor or an independent agency9 through the Council
    Chairperson.10 This legislation is then considered by the Council in much the same
    way any bill is considered.       The bill is usually assigned to an appropriate
    committee by the Council Chairperson.11 Typically the committee will conduct a
    hearing, at which the Council receives testimony from the public for and against
    the bill.12 If the committee wishes to move the bill forward, it will vote it out of
    committee, generally with a report.13 The bill is then sent to the Committee of the
    8
    
    D.C. Code § 1-203.03
     (a).
    9
    The Charter created several independent agencies for the District. See
    
    D.C. Code §§ 1-204.91
     to .96.
    10
    Rules of Organization and Procedure for the Council of the District of
    Columbia, Council Period 20, Rule 401 (2013) [hereinafter Council Rule]; see 
    60 D.C. Reg. 627
     (2013).
    11
    Council Rule 405 (a)(1).
    12
    See Rules of Organization and Procedure for the Committee on the
    Judiciary and Public Safety, Council Period 20, Article VI (2013) [hereinafter
    Committee Rules].
    13
    Committee Rules, Sec. 502.
    6
    Whole, which means it is considered by all 13 members of the Council.14 In order
    to pass, the bill must ―be read twice in substantially the same form, with at least 13
    days intervening between each reading.‖15 After passage, the bill is sent to the
    Mayor for his approval or veto.16 The Mayor may communicate his approval
    either by signing the legislation or simply by failing to veto it within 10 days of
    receipt.17
    At this point in the Charter amendment process, the electorate gets its say
    via referendum.       This referendum is coordinated by the Board of Elections18
    (―BOE‖), which receives legislation seeking to amend the Charter after it has been
    passed by the Council and approved by the Mayor.19 The BOE first schedules,
    14
    Council Rule 231 (a), (c)(1).
    15
    
    D.C. Code § 1-204.12
     (a) (2014 Supp.).
    16
    
    D.C. Code § 1-204.04
     (e) (2014 Supp.); see Council Rule 417.
    17
    
    D.C. Code § 1-204.04
     (e). A mayoral veto may be overcome by a two-
    thirds vote of the Council cast within 30 days of receiving the veto. 
    Id.
    18
    Effective April 27, 2012—prior to the commencement of litigation in this
    case—the Board of Elections and Ethics (―BOEE‖) was separated into the Board
    of Elections (―BOE‖) and the Board of Ethics and Government Accountability
    (―BEGA‖). See 
    D.C. Code §§ 1-1162.02
    , 1-1163.05 (2012 Repl.). Although Mr.
    Zukerberg lists the ―Board of Elections and Ethics‖ as an appellee, we refer to the
    actual party in interest, the BOE, throughout this opinion.
    19
    3 DCMR § 1801.2 (2012).
    7
    publicizes, and holds a public hearing.20 A primary purpose of this hearing is to
    formulate for any proposed Charter amendment ―[a]n abbreviated and impartial
    summary statement of no more than one hundred fifty (150) words . . . express[ing]
    the chief purpose of the amendment‖ to put on the ballot.21         This summary
    statement ―shall accurately and impartially reflect the meaning and intent of the
    proposed Charter amendment and shall not intentionally create prejudice for or
    against the measure.‖22    The BOE then publishes this ballot summary in the
    District of Columbia Register, along with the legislation that would amend the
    Charter.23   The BOE also notifies both ―the Mayor and the Chairman of the
    Council, either by personal delivery or by certified mail, of the exact wording of‖
    the ballot summary.24
    Any registered qualified elector who seeks to ―raise any objections [to,]
    and/or correct any alleged inaccuracies‖ in[,] the ballot summary may request a
    20
    3 DCMR §§ 1801.6, 1801.7, 1802.1 (2012).
    21
    3 DCMR § 1802.1 (a). The BOE also drafts ―[a] short title of no more
    than twenty (20) words by which the amendment will be readily identifiable and
    distinguishable from other measures which may appear on the ballot.‖ 3 DCMR
    § 1802.1 (b). We limit our discussion to the ballot summary, since no issue is
    presented in this case related to the title of the referendum.
    22
    3 DCMR § 1802.2.
    23
    3 DCMR § 1802.4.
    24
    3 DCMR § 1802.5.
    8
    hearing before the BOE.25 Absent a request for a hearing, the ballot summary, ―as
    published by the [BOE] in the D.C. Register, shall be considered to be accepted at
    the expiration of [a] ten (10) day review period.‖26 Even then additional steps are
    taken before the ballot summary is actually placed on the ballot. The BOE holds
    another public meeting to certify the ballot summary and announce that the
    proposed Charter amendment will be brought before voters in an election.27 After
    this second public meeting, the BOE publishes in the D.C. Register and in at least
    two newspapers of general circulation: (1) the entire Act, or the provision of the
    Act that would amend the Charter; (2) the ballot summary as certified by the BOE;
    and (3) a statement that the proposed Charter amendment will be presented to
    voters in an election.28 Only after this process is completed is the certified ballot
    summary actually printed on the ballot.29 This is the language that the voters see
    when they go to the polls.
    25
    3 DCMR § 1803.1 (2012).
    26
    3 DCMR § 1803.2.
    27
    3 DCMR § 1804.1 (2012).
    28
    3 DCMR § 1804.3.
    29
    3 DCMR § 1804.2.
    9
    If a majority of the voting public votes to ratify the Charter amendment as
    described in the ballot summary, the amendment is then sent to Congress30 for a
    congressional review period applicable to all District of Columbia legislation.31 If
    Congress does not act, the Charter amendment enacted by the Council and ratified
    by the electorate becomes law.32
    II.   Facts and Procedural History33
    A. The 2010 Amendment to the District Charter
    In January 2009, Councilmember Phil Mendelson introduced D.C. Bill No.
    18-65, the Attorney General for the District of Columbia Clarification Act. A
    primary aim of the bill was to amend the Charter to make the position of Attorney
    30
    
    D.C. Code § 1-206.02
     (c)(1).
    31
    This review period, however, is longer; it lasts 35 days. 
    D.C. Code § 1
    -
    203.03 (b). For legislation which does not seek to amend the Charter, the review
    period lasts 30 days. 
    D.C. Code § 1-206.02
     (c)(1).
    32
    
    D.C. Code § 1-203.03
     (b).
    33
    In reconstructing this history, this court consulted both the materials in
    the trial court record and the Council‘s written and audio records of its
    proceedings, which are publicly available on the District‘s Council and Office of
    Cable Television websites.
    10
    General of the District of Columbia an elected, rather than an appointed, position.34
    Because the Council is not empowered to amend the Charter directly, the part of
    the bill proposing this change (Title II) was effectively a request for Congress to do
    so. Thus, the text of the bill provided that Title II would ―apply upon enactment by
    Congress.‖ Other aspects of the legislation (e.g., the provisions in Title I setting
    forth minimum qualifications, a residency requirement, and a four-year term) did
    not necessitate amending the Charter and simply required passage by the Council
    and passive review by Congress.35
    The bill was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary and Public Safety,
    which held a public hearing in July of 2009. The bill was voted out of committee
    in December 2009 with amendments and a report recommending approval by the
    full Council. Thereafter, it moved through the Council with relative rapidity and
    little opposition.   Upon its first reading in January 2010, all twelve of the
    Councilmembers present approved the bill. The day before its scheduled second
    reading on February 2, 2010, Councilmember Mendelson circulated a
    memorandum to his colleagues on the Council proposing an ―Amendment in the
    34
    The impetus behind the legislation was not addressed in the record
    presented to the court and is beyond the scope of this opinion.
    35
    See supra note 31.
    11
    Nature of a Substitute‖ to the bill and explaining the rationale for each proposed
    change. Specifically, he proposed an amendment to Title II of the bill, adding a
    subsection stating that ―[t]he first election for the position of Attorney General
    shall be after January 1, 2014.‖      He explained in his memorandum that this
    ―amendment clarifies that the first election to be held for the position of Attorney
    General shall coincide with the election for Mayor in [the] 2014 general election.‖
    At the second reading on February 2, 2010, the bill was approved 12-1.36 The
    legislation was sent to then-Mayor Adrian Fenty, who did not veto it within the
    prescribed timeframe and so approved the Attorney General for the District of
    Columbia Clarification and Elected Term Amendment Act of 2010 (―the 2010
    Act‖).37 This legislation, assigned D.C. Act No. 18-351, was then transmitted to
    the U.S. Congress.
    36
    At the time, the members of the Council were Yvette Alexander, Muriel
    Bowser, David Catania, Jack Evans, Vincent Gray, Phil Mendelson, Tommy
    Wells, Marion Barry, Kwame Brown, Mary Cheh, Jim Graham, Michael Brown,
    and Harry Thomas. Only Councilmember Evans, who had voted for the legislation
    at the first reading, voted against the bill in its final form with its new specificity
    about the timing of the election. See Council of the District of Columbia: Twenty-
    Sixth Legislative Meeting, Public Hearing, Committee of the Whole (D.C. Office
    of Cable Television broadcast Feb. 2, 2010).
    37
    See 
    D.C. Code § 1-204.04
     (e).
    12
    Once the legislation reached Congress, nothing happened.                 This
    congressional inaction allowed the non-Charter amending provisions of the 2010
    Act to go into effect in May 2010. But it stymied amendment of the Charter
    pursuant to Title II, the portion of the legislation calling for an elected Attorney
    General, for which affirmative action by Congress was required. The Council then
    made the decision to change tactics and to seek to amend the District Charter by
    means of local action. In the summer of 2010 and then again in the spring of 2011,
    Councilmember Mendelson introduced, and the Council passed, a series38 of
    emergency and temporary laws39 to allow for Title II of the 2010 Act to become
    effective upon ratification by the electorate voting in a referendum. In passing
    these emergency and temporary laws, the Council neither revisited the text of the
    legislation it had already passed nor sought to amend the provision of Title II that
    referred to its enactment by Congress to become effective.
    With the Council‘s decision to seek to amend the Charter by means of local
    action, the work of the BOE began. As required by regulation, the BOE submitted
    38
    D.C. Acts Nos. 18-443, 18-468, 19-51.
    39
    The Council has two fast-track means by which to pass legislation, the
    effects of which are time-limited: Emergency legislation is effective for 90 days,
    while temporary legislation may remain effective for not more than 225 days.
    Council Rules 412, 413.
    13
    for publication in the D.C. Register a ―Notice of Public Hearing: Receipt and
    Intent to Formulate Proposed Ballot Language,‖ which included the entire 2010
    Act.40        After conducting the requisite public meeting to formulate the ballot
    summary,41 the BOE submitted the resulting ballot summary for publication, along
    with the text of the 2010 Act.42 The summary statement read as follows:
    Currently, the Attorney General for the District of
    Columbia is appointed by the Mayor and confirmed by
    the Council of the District of Columbia. This Charter
    Amendment, if passed, would amend the District of
    Columbia Home Rule Act to allow voters to elect the
    Attorney General for a 4-year term of office.
    A candidate for the position of Attorney General must
    meet certain qualifications and requirements which
    include being a registered voter in the District of
    Columbia, and a member in good standing of the District
    of Columbia Bar for at least five years prior to assuming
    the position of Attorney General.
    40
    
    57 D.C. Reg. 5726
     (2010).
    41
    See 
    57 D.C. Reg. 6217
     (2010) (―The [BOE] at its Board meeting on
    Wednesday, July 7, 2010 formulated the short title and summary statement of the
    Proposed Charter Amendment IV.‖).
    42
    
    57 D.C. Reg. 6217
     (2010).
    14
    If voters approve of this amendment and the U.S.
    Congress does not reject the measure, residents of the
    District of Columbia would begin voting for the Attorney
    General in 2014.43
    There is no indication in the record that the BOE received any objection to
    the ballot summary from the Council, the Mayor, or anyone else during the
    requisite 10-day review period. Accordingly, the BOE subsequently published
    certification of the summary and announced that the amendment would be
    presented to voters at the general election to be held Tuesday, November 2, 2010.44
    The amendment was subsequently ratified by almost 76 percent of the electorate.
    After the mandatory, passive period of congressional review45 the Elected Attorney
    General Charter Amendment was enacted46 and the District Charter was officially
    amended.
    43
    
    Id.
     (emphasis added).
    44
    
    57 D.C. Reg. 7511
     (2010).
    45
    See supra note 31.
    46
    See 
    D.C. Code § 1-204.35
    .
    15
    B. The 2013 Legislation to Delay the Election
    In January 2013, Mayor Vincent C. Gray wrote a letter to Councilmember
    Mendelson, who had become Council Chairperson.47 The letter began with the
    premise that ―[i]n January 2015, pursuant to [the 2010 Charter Amendment], an
    elected Attorney General for the District of Columbia will for the first time take
    office.‖ Mayor Gray then explained that ―[o]ur current Attorney General Irvin
    Nathan and the [Office of the Attorney General (―OAG‖)] staff have been studying
    the practical consequences‖ of having an elected Mayor and an elected Attorney
    General, where ―neither will be subordinate to the other, and both will serve in the
    Executive Branch.‖ As a result, the Mayor determined that ―several significant
    changes in the law are needed to ensure the best prospects for [the] long-term
    success of this new arrangement for both the Office of the Mayor and the
    subordinate agencies[,] and for the OAG.‖ To this end, the Mayor asked the
    Chairperson to introduce legislation on the Mayor‘s behalf.48 The Mayor urged the
    Council to ―take prompt and favorable action‖ on his bill in order for the District to
    47
    Councilmember Mendelson was elected as Chairperson of the Council in
    November 2012. See 
    59 D.C. Reg. 14101
     (2012).
    48
    The Bill proposed moving agency General Counsels from the Attorney
    General‘s reporting line to the Mayor‘s reporting line, establishing a Mayor‘s
    Office of Legal Counsel, and transferring the OAG‘s Child Support Services
    Division to the Department of Human Services.
    16
    ―be prepared for the coming transition . . . before the electoral process for the 2014
    Attorney General election begins in April, 2014.‖
    As requested, in February 2013 Chairperson Mendelson introduced the
    Mayor‘s legislation, D.C. Bill No. 20-134, the Elected Attorney General
    Implementation and Legal Service Establishment Amendment Act of 2013 (―the
    2013 Act‖). The Committee on the Judiciary and Public Safety held a public
    hearing in March 2013. The bill was voted out of Committee on July 3, 2013, and
    although it had been substantially revised,49 the understanding as reflected by the
    Committee Report was still that ―[i]n April 2014, the first nominees for Attorney
    General will be on the primary ballot, and the first elected Attorney General will
    take office in January 2015.‖50
    Before the Council conducted its first reading and vote on the bill on July
    10, 2013, however, Councilmember Evans (the sole councilmember to have voted
    against the 2010 legislation seeking to authorize the election of the Attorney
    49
    See D.C. Council, Comm. on the Judiciary & Pub. Safety, Report on Bill
    20-134 at 1 (July 3, 2013).
    50
    
    Id. at 2
    .
    17
    General)51 introduced an amendment52 addressing the timing of an election for an
    Attorney General in the District: ―Until such time as an Attorney General is
    elected under § 1-204.35, which time shall not be before January 1, 2018, the
    Attorney General for the District of Columbia shall be appointed by the Mayor
    with the advice and consent of the Council pursuant to § 1-523.01.‖53 The bill,
    with this ―delay provision,‖ passed a first vote in July 10, 2013, and a final vote on
    October 1, 2013. On October 22, 2013, the Mayor returned the legislation to
    Chairperson Mendelson without signing it. He explained in a letter that he thus
    ―allow[ed] it to become law[,] but without [his] full endorsement.‖ Among other
    things, the Mayor stated that he objected to the Council‘s decision to delay the
    51
    See supra note 36.
    52
    See Council of the District of Columbia: Fourteenth Legislative Meeting,
    Committee of the Whole (D.C. Office of Cable Television broadcast July 10,
    2013).
    53
    Before adding this language, Councilmember Evans apparently sought
    advice about the Council‘s authority to postpone the election and received two
    different responses. See Council of the District of Columbia: Mark-up Committee
    on the Judiciary and Public Safety (D.C. Office of Cable Television broadcast June
    28, 2013). First, John Hoellen, Deputy General Counsel for the Council, wrote a
    memo dated July 2, 2013, in which he concluded that the Council did not have
    legal authority to delay the election. On July 9, 2013, Attorney General Nathan
    wrote a letter to Councilmember Evans, in which he gave his opinion that the
    Council had the authority to delay the election, but advised against it. Attorney
    General Nathan explained that ―[t]he District‘s voters by a substantial margin
    supported the Charter [A]mendment . . . and did so with the justifiable expectation
    of voting for one in 2014 who would take office in January 2015 concurrent with
    the next [m]ayoral term.‖ Attorney General Nathan advised Councilmember
    Evans that the voters‘ ―expectation[s] should be respected and fulfilled.‖
    18
    election for Attorney General because ―when District citizens voted in favor of this
    referendum, they did so with the expectation of electing an Attorney General in
    2014.‖ After the requisite period of passive congressional review, the 2013 Act
    became effective in December 2013.54
    Meanwhile, appellant Paul Zukerberg declared his candidacy for Attorney
    General in November 2013.       Shortly thereafter55 he filed a complaint in the
    Superior Court, asking that the court declare the delay provision in the 2013 Act to
    be in violation of the District Charter which, as amended in 2010, he contended
    required an election in 2014. Further, Mr. Zukerberg asked for injunctive relief
    prohibiting both the BOE from removing the office from the 2014 ballot and the
    Council from taking any action to inhibit the creation of the elected office of
    Attorney General.56 The Council and the BOE filed a motion to dismiss Mr.
    54
    See D.C. Law No. 20-60; 
    60 D.C. Reg. 15487
     (2013); 
    D.C. Code § 1
    -
    301.82.
    55
    Mr. Zukerberg had filed an earlier suit, which was removed to the United
    States District Court for the District of Columbia. He subsequently dismissed this
    complaint voluntarily.
    56
    In December 2013 Mr. Zukerberg filed a motion for preliminary
    injunction, which was denied. After the trial court denied this motion, Mr.
    Zukerberg appealed. In an unpublished order, this court affirmed the Superior
    Court‘s denial of Mr. Zukerberg‘s motion for a preliminary injunction without
    expressing ―any opinion on the underlying merits of the case,‖ which we noted had
    yet to be ruled upon.
    19
    Zukerberg‘s suit with prejudice in January 2014. The Superior Court granted this
    motion, reasoning that ―based on the ordinary meaning of the words [from the
    2010 Act] ‗after January 1, 2014,‘ the 2013 Act does not conflict with the 2010
    Charter amendment.‖ This appeal followed.
    III.   Analysis
    Comparable to a state constitution, the District of Columbia has a Charter;57
    and just as with a state constitution, the dictates of the Charter and any lawful
    amendments thereto cannot be countermanded by simple legislation. Price v.
    District of Columbia Bd. of Elections & Ethics, 
    645 A.2d 594
    , 599 n.15 (D.C.
    1994) (―[T]he Council may not enact legislation that is inconsistent with the
    Charter Amendments.‖). Thus, in order to determine whether the Council had the
    unilateral authority to mandate that an election for the office of Attorney General
    would ―not be before January 1, 2018,‖ we must examine and discern the meaning
    57
    See, e.g., Convention Ctr. Referendum Comm. v. Bd. of Elections &
    Ethics, 
    399 A.2d 550
    , 552 (D.C. 1979) (equating a Charter Amendment with a
    constitutional provision); see also Feaster v. Vance, 
    832 A.2d 1277
    , 1287 (D.C.
    2003) (favorably citing Shook v. District of Columbia Fin. Responsibility & Mgmt.
    Assistance Auth., 
    132 F.3d 775
    , 776 (D.C. Cir. 1998), which characterized the
    District Charter established by the Home Rule Act as ―[s]imilar in certain respects
    to a state constitution‖).
    20
    of the amendment to the Charter providing that an election for an Attorney General
    in the District ―shall be after January 1, 2014.‖58
    Mr. Zukerberg conceded at oral argument that the meaning of the language
    in the 2010 Charter Amendment is ambiguous, but he asserts that based on the
    legislative history and other ―extrinsic evidence,‖ it should be interpreted to mean
    ―in 2014.‖     Using this interpretation, Mr. Zukerberg argues the 2010 Charter
    Amendment renders invalid the 2013 Act passed by the Council regarding the
    office of the Attorney General, in particular the so-called ―delay provision‖ for the
    scheduling of an election. For its part, the Council and the BOE contend that the
    language of the 2010 Charter Amendment is unambiguously open-ended and
    clearly authorizes the election of an Attorney General at any time beyond January
    1, 2014, on a date left entirely to the Council‘s discretion.59 Alternatively, the
    58
    
    D.C. Code § 1-204.35
     (e).
    59
    We consider this a fair characterization of the Council and the BOE‘s
    argument. Although they disclaim an intent to delay the election indefinitely, they
    also argue that there is no need for this court to determine whether there is a
    reasonableness limitation on their exercise of discretion. In other words, they seek
    our acknowledgement of the Council‘s unbounded discretion to schedule the first
    Attorney General election. Indeed, they assert ―plenary authority‖ in this matter.
    Further indicating that their argument is simply that District voters should ―trust
    the Council‖—and not that the Council and the BOE truly think the Council‘s
    discretion is restricted in any enforceable way—they give no indication where the
    (continued…)
    21
    Council and the BOE assert that if the 2010 Charter Amendment language is
    deemed ambiguous, it should be interpreted as they contend it was originally
    intended: to give the Council complete discretion in scheduling an election for the
    office of Attorney General. With this interpretation, the Council and BOE see no
    conflict between the 2010 Charter Amendment and the delay provision in the 2013
    Act.
    A. Plain Language: “shall be after January 1, 2014‖
    The first question we confront is whether the meaning of the language ―shall
    be after January 1, 2014‖ in the 2010 Charter amendment is plain. See Peoples
    Drug Stores, Inc. v. District of Columbia, 
    470 A.2d 751
    , 753 (D.C. 1983) (en banc)
    (explaining that when interpreting legislation, ―[w]e must first look at the language
    of the statute by itself to see if the language is plain and admits of no more than
    one meaning‖ (internal quotation marks omitted)); see also Thorne v. United
    States, 
    55 A.3d 873
    , 878 (D.C. 2012) (recognizing that ―[t]he primary and general
    (…continued)
    legal foundation of a reasonableness limitation would come from or by what means
    it could be enforced.
    22
    rule of statutory construction is that the intent of the lawmaker is to be found in the
    language that he has used‖ (internal quotation marks omitted)). We construe ―[t]he
    words of the statute . . . according to their ordinary sense and with the meaning
    commonly attributed to them.‖ Peoples Drug Stores, 
    470 A.2d at 753
     (internal
    quotation marks omitted).
    We agree with the Council and the BOE that the ―common and ordinary
    meaning of the word ‗after‘‖ is ―following in time or place,‖ or ―later in time.‖
    However, that does not answer the complete question before us, namely, when an
    election must be held, if an election ―shall be after‖ a date certain. We can readily
    identify several possibilities. ―Shall be after January 1, 2014‖ could mean ―the day
    immediately after.‖ In contrast, it could also mean ―at any point after‖ (including,
    possibly, never, if the meaning of ―shall be after‖ is construed as ―shall not be
    before‖).60 Or it could, as we ultimately concluded, mean something in between.
    60
    Looking to the authority cited by the parties, Mr. Zukerberg references
    statutes that created prohibitions that begin immediately after the given date, see
    
    D.C. Code § 7-742
     (2012 Repl.); 
    D.C. Code § 8-108.03
     (2012 Repl.); 
    D.C. Code § 24-201.72
     (2012 Repl.), and the Council and BOE cite cases in which a statute
    set to take effect after a given date was held to apply in a continuous manner to
    events that occurred well after the effective date. See Berkley v. D.C. Transit,
    Inc., 
    950 A.2d 749
    , 752 & n.2 (D.C. 2008); Thomas v. District of Columbia, 
    942 A.2d 1154
    , 1162 (D.C. 2008); Nat’l Broad. Co. v. F.C.C., 
    132 F.2d 545
    , 550 (D.C.
    (continued…)
    23
    Thus, because the temporal component of the Charter amendment allows more
    than one meaning, we determine that it is ambiguous.
    The Council and the BOE argue that only their interpretation of the text of
    the statute—namely, the interpretation that ―shall be after January 1, 2014‖ allows
    an election at any point after that date—is reasonable. They argue that this open-
    ended time frame was necessary because the 2010 Charter Amendment was not
    ―self-executing‖ and the Council needed time to ―pass the legislation necessary to
    implement it.‖ As a textual matter, this argument has no support. Unlike the
    amendment at issue in Jackson v. District of Columbia Board of Elections and
    Ethics, a case on which the Council and BOE rely, there is nothing in the 2010
    Charter Amendment indicating that it is not self-executing or that it required the
    passage of additional legislation.61 Because we disagree with the premise that the
    (…continued)
    Cir. 1942). However, these authorities are of little assistance to Mr. Zukerberg
    where he did not argue that a January 2, 2014, election was required; likewise
    these authorities are unhelpful to the Council and BOE, since the issue is not
    whether the District may continue to elect its Attorney General well into the future,
    but whether it must begin doing so within 2014.
    61
    See 
    999 A.2d 89
    , 97 (D.C. 2010) (en banc) (noting that the 1977 Charter
    Amendment ―affirmatively required the Council to ‗adopt such acts as are
    necessary to carry out [its] purpose . . . within 180 days of the effective date of [the
    Act]‘‖ (citing 
    D.C. Code § 1-204.107
    )); see also Convention Ctr. Referendum
    (continued…)
    24
    2010 Charter Amendment was not self-executing, we reject the appellees‘
    argument that we can discern only one reasonable interpretation of the temporal
    component of the Charter Amendment without resort to other interpretive tools.
    B. Considering the Charter Amendment as a Whole
    To resolve the temporal ambiguity in the 2010 Charter Amendment, we look
    to its text ―as a whole.‖ District of Columbia v. Place, 
    892 A.2d 1108
    , 1113 (D.C.
    2006) (internal quotation mark omitted).        First, this leads us to reject an
    interpretation of ―shall be after‖ as ―not before, but possibly never.‖ That the
    Charter Amendment contemplated that the District would adopt a new way of
    placing an Attorney General in office—via election instead of mayoral
    appointment—cannot be questioned.           The first subsection of the Charter
    Amendment requires that ―[t]he Attorney General for the District of Columbia
    shall be elected on a partisan basis by the registered qualified electors of the
    (…continued)
    Comm., 
    399 A.2d at 551-52
     (acknowledging that ―in general, constitutional
    provisions are presumed to be self-executing,‖ but concluding that the Charter
    Amendment at issue was not because, inter alia, it spoke ―in mandatory terms to
    the [District] Council concerning enabling legislation‖).
    25
    District.‖62 To discern when ―after January 1, 2014‖63 this shift should occur, we
    note again that the first subsection requires a partisan election and that the third
    subsection of the Charter Amendment provides that the term of office shall be four
    years and shall ―coincide with the term of office of the Mayor.‖64           Mayoral
    elections are also partisan affairs—that is, they require the political parties to
    identify their candidates in primaries that are scheduled before the general
    election—and 2014 is a mayoral election year. A natural reading of the Charter
    Amendment as a whole, therefore, is that there was an intention to hold the
    Attorney General election in 2014 and to permit that election to be held on the
    same partisan election schedule as the 2014 mayoral election.
    The Council and the BOE argue, however, that the inclusion of a
    ―Reappointment Provision‖65 in the 2010 Act, addressing how the office of
    Attorney General was to be filled until the first election was held, strongly suggests
    62
    
    D.C. Code § 1-204.35
     (a), (c) (emphasis added).
    63
    
    D.C. Code § 1-204.35
     (e).
    64
    
    D.C. Code § 1-204.35
     (c).
    65
    The Reappointment Provision, codified at 
    D.C. Code § 1-301.82
    , is
    contained in Title I of the 2010 Act, the portion of the legislation that did not
    amend the Charter. Section 102 of Title I provides that ―[u]ntil such time as an
    Attorney General is elected under [§] 201, the Attorney General for the District of
    Columbia shall be appointed,‖ and ―[b]e eligible for reappointment.‖ D.C. Law
    No. 18-160.
    26
    that the Council intended to preserve its authority to set the date of the first election
    for Attorney General, because otherwise this Reappointment Provision would be
    superfluous. More specifically, the Council and the BOE argue that if the election
    was required to be held in 2014, there would never be a time subsequent to the
    ratification of the 2010 Charter Amendment when the Mayor would have to
    reappoint an Attorney General, given that the provision did not apply to the
    incumbent on the effective date of the act. First, we disagree that this provision
    could not have come into play before 2014. As Mr. Zukerberg explains, for
    example, had the sitting Attorney General in 2010, Peter Nickles, resigned before
    January 1, 2011, then Mayor Fenty would have appointed a new Attorney General.
    This Attorney General could have then been ―reappointed‖ by Mayor Gray. In any
    event, the Council and the BOE ignore the early history of the 2010 Charter
    Amendment which indicates that the Reappointment Provision is best explained as
    a vestige, left over from the original plan to amend the Charter by act of Congress.
    Given that this was an endeavor of unknown timing, it made sense to include a
    Reappointment Provision. When the decision was made to shift gears and seek to
    amend the Charter by means of a referendum, the statutory provisions created by
    the 2010 Act (the non-Charter-amending provisions that were already law at that
    27
    point) were not altered. Rather, a series of temporary and emergency laws were
    passed to effect this change.66 In light of this history, we are hard-pressed to
    interpret this provision as conclusive statutory evidence that ―shall be after January
    1, 2014‖ must be subject to an ―at any time after‖ interpretation.
    C. Legislative History
    Although the text is the primary source for determining legislative intent,
    when the text is ambiguous, we look to legislative history. See Stevenson v.
    District of Columbia Bd. of Elections & Ethics, 
    683 A.2d 1371
    , 1376 (D.C. 1996).
    There we find further support for a reading of the 2010 Charter Amendment that
    requires an election for the office of Attorney General to take place in 2014. As
    we explain below, we consider the full legislative history of the 2010 Charter
    Amendment—both the history of its drafting in the Council and the history of its
    review by referendum—in order to determine the legislative intent of the two
    essential players in its passage, the Council and the electorate.
    66
    See supra notes 38-39.
    28
    1.     Potential Sources of Legislative Intent
    First we must identify the potential sources of legislative intent and address
    the arguments of the Council and the BOE that we should consider only the intent
    of the Council when seeking to discern the meaning of the 2010 Charter
    Amendment. The Council and the BOE argue that the voters have no discernible
    intent to consider and even if they did, ―their expectations as to its meaning ha[ve]
    little significance on the precise issue of when an Attorney General election should
    be held,‖ ―because the voters had no hand in drafting the 2010 [Act].‖ We reject
    both arguments.
    Preliminarily, we reject the Council and the BOE‘s argument that the
    electorate does not have a ―precisely discernible‖ intent to consider in the context
    of a Charter Amendment by referendum, because voters are only asked whether
    they want to ratify the legislation already passed by the Council. This argument
    ignores the mechanics of the referendum process and the careful scripting of the
    ballot initiative that is put before the voting public. Although it is true that voters
    are asked to ratify legislation already passed by the Council, the choice put to
    voters is encapsulated in the ballot summary. Great care is taken to ensure that the
    29
    ballot summary language presents the choice to the voters ―accurately and
    impartially.‖67   In effect, when the ballot summary of the Charter-amending
    legislation passed by the Council is put before the voters, the electorate‘s vote is a
    ―third reading‖ of that legislation.68
    The Council and the BOE also argue that the electorate‘s intent, even if it
    could be discerned, should be disregarded. We cannot agree. This argument
    disregards the limitations on the Council‘s power in amending the Charter. Unlike
    the typical legislative scenario, where we delegate to our elected representatives
    the power to make laws, the Council cannot go it alone to amend the Charter.
    Instead, as explained above, if the Council opts not to rely on Congress to amend
    the Charter, it must seek and obtain the specific approval of the voting public for
    any proposed amendment. Accordingly, this court may consider the intent of both
    the Council and the electorate when interpreting a Charter Amendment enacted by
    67
    3 DCMR § 1802.2.
    68
    Thus, perhaps better than the legislative history of the Council—which
    may reflect competing views and unresolved debates—a ballot summary, if as here
    it expressly addresses the issue subject to debate, can be an excellent means of
    discerning the voting public‘s intent when a Charter amendment is put before the
    electorate for its approval or rejection.
    30
    referendum.
    This Court‘s decision in Jackson, 
    999 A.2d 89
    , 101, on which the Council
    and the BOE heavily rely, is not to the contrary; in particular, their quotation of
    Jackson for the proposition that the Council‘s intent is ―paramount‖ is taken
    wholly out of context. Jackson addressed a distinct circumstance: The issue was
    whether a 1977 Charter Amendment69 that had given voters legislative powers—
    the right to approve certain measures by initiative or reject specific legislation
    passed by the Council by referendum70—allowed appellants to put before the
    voting public an initiative that the BOE concluded would have the effect of
    violating the District of Columbia Human Rights Act (the ―HRA‖).71 Unlike in
    this case where the 2010 Charter Amendment addressed the current subject of
    controversy, the 1977 Charter Amendment authorizing initiatives had not
    acknowledged that the power of initiative was limited by the nondiscrimination
    69
    This Charter Amendment became law after the passage and ratification of
    the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall Charter Amendment Act of 1977, 
    D.C. Code §§ 1-204.101
     to .107, 1-204.111to .115 (2012 Repl.).
    70
    The power to reject Council legislation by referendum, see 
    D.C. Code § 1-204.101
     (b), should not be confused with the power to ratify legislation
    proposing to amend the Charter by referendum. See 
    D.C. Code § 1-201.01
     et seq.
    71
    
    D.C. Code § 2-1401.01
     et seq. (2012 Repl.). The initiative sought to
    define marriage in the District as only between a man and a woman.
    31
    provisions of the HRA; it was silent on this issue. The Council addressed this
    question in the subsequently enacted Initiative, Referendum, and Recall Procedures
    Act of 1979 (the ―IPA‖),72 and qualified the power of initiative in this manner.
    Relying on the IPA, this court upheld the BOE‘s rejection of the appellant‘s
    proposed initiative.
    Because the 1977 Charter Amendment in Jackson concerned a transfer of
    legislative power, very much on the Court‘s mind was the origin and scope of
    legislative authority in the District—an issue which has no bearing on this case.
    The court explained that ―[i]n other jurisdictions, it is the people who, through state
    constitutions, have conferred rights on the legislature, but have reserved general
    legislative power to themselves as well,‖ but that in the District, Congress, in
    passing the Home Rule Act, had given ―a broad grant of legislative power to the
    Council alone.‖ 
    999 A.2d at 100
    . The Court then observed that ―the Council had
    to decide the extent of the legislative power it would share with the people.‖ 
    Id. at 101
    . And it was in that context that the Court stated that the Council‘s intent was
    72
    
    D.C. Code §§ 1-1320
     to -1326 (2012 Repl.).
    32
    ―paramount.‖73 
    Id.
    Moreover this Court did not hold in Jackson, as the Council and the BOE
    contend, that ballot summary language should never be considered when a court is
    interpreting ambiguous language in a Charter Amendment. There was no cause to
    do so in Jackson, because there was no ambiguous language to interpret. The 1977
    Charter Amendment creating the power of citizen initiative (and its corresponding
    ballot summary) contained no reference to the HRA or its limitation on the right of
    initiative created by that Charter Amendment. Appellants in Jackson argued that
    the silence in the ballot summary for the 1977 Charter Amendment was proof of its
    ―plain‖ meaning. In a footnote, the court ―reject[ed] this argument,‖ noting that
    the ballot summary was simply a summary that ―asked voters to approve [the]
    creation of [a] right . . . but did not ask them to vote as to the scope of th[at]
    [right].‖   
    999 A.2d at
    102 n.19.      Thus, if anything, Jackson supports the
    73
    The Court made clear that this descriptor could not be universally applied
    to the Council‘s intent by acknowledging and distinguishing District of Columbia
    v. Washington Home Ownership Council, Inc., 
    415 A.2d 1349
     (D.C. 1980) (en
    banc), a case where the court had ―recognized that, while the Council‘s
    interpretation of its own authority [under the Home Rule Act, which was passed by
    Congress, not the Council] obviously commands great respect, . . . [it is not]
    entitled to weight beyond the inherent persuasiveness of the position taken in a
    particular instance.‖ Jackson, 
    999 A.2d at
    101 n.17 (internal quotation omitted).
    33
    proposition that the actual text of a ballot summary—asking voters to approve the
    creation of a right based on the text of a proposed Charter amendment—must be
    evaluated by this court; it provides no support for the proposition that express text
    of a ballot summary can simply be ignored.
    2.    The Intent of the Council and the Electorate
    The Council‘s intent in enacting the ―after January 1, 2014‖ language in the
    2010 Act is demonstrated principally in Councilmember Mendelson‘s February 1,
    2010, memorandum to his fellow Councilmembers, circulated the day before the
    second reading of the 2010 Act. In that memorandum and attached documents,
    Councilmember Mendelson explained the addition of the ―shall be after January 1,
    2014‖ language, which had not appeared in the first reading of the bill. He told his
    colleagues that ―[t]he amendment clarifies that the first election to be held for the
    position of Attorney General shall coincide with the election for Mayor in [the]
    2014 general election.‖ Having received this explanation of the ―shall be after
    January 1, 2014‖ language, the Council, without any objection to this amendment,
    passed the bill as amended the following day.
    34
    At oral argument, the Council and the BOE dismissed Councilmember
    Mendelson‘s explanation of ―shall be after January 1, 2014‖ language as merely
    indicative of the intent of a lone legislator. This is an unpersuasive minimization
    of his role. Councilmember Mendelson was not only the architect of the 2010
    legislation, but also the author of the amendment containing the precise language
    we are called upon to interpret. See Luck v. District of Columbia, 
    617 A.2d 509
    ,
    515 (D.C. 1992) (―It is the sponsors that we look to when the meaning of the
    statutory words is in doubt.‖ (quoting Schwegmann Bros. v. Calvert Distillers
    Corp., 
    341 U.S. 384
    , 394–95 (1951))).          He informed his colleagues that his
    amendment was intended to ―clarif[y]‖ when the first election for Attorney General
    was to be held, and, having received this explanation, they voted for the bill as
    amended.     We find this piece of legislative history highly probative of the
    Council‘s collective intent to have the first election for the office of Attorney
    General in 2014.74
    74
    Notwithstanding Councilmember Mendelson‘s clarification, the Council
    and the BOE argue that the choice of language—―after January 1, 2014‖—reflects
    a willingness to leave the timing of the election open-ended. They call our
    attention to the language of a failed proposed amendment by Councilmember
    Tommy Wells that would have created a new office of ―District Attorney,‖ and, in
    the Council and BOE‘s words, ―substituted the unequivocal command that ‗[t]he
    first election for [that office] shall take place in 2014.‘‖ But as the Council and the
    BOE concede, Councilmember Wells‘s unsuccessful amendment introduced
    ―major changes to the bill, switching its focus to the creation of a District
    Attorney,‖ while allowing for the continued appointment of the Attorney General.
    (continued…)
    35
    We find further support for this conclusion in the Council‘s failure to raise
    an objection to the BOE‘s formulation of the ballot language summarizing the
    2010 Act, which stated that, if the Charter Amendment were approved, ―residents
    of the District of Columbia would begin voting for the Attorney General in 2014.‖
    This language went through a very precise, transparent, multi-step process of
    drafting and adoption, providing a period of public review and mechanisms by
    which anyone could contest the formulation of the ballot summary drafted by the
    BOE.75 And the Council was given special consideration: Pursuant to regulation,
    the Chairman of the Council is entitled to receive a copy of the final language
    either personally or by certified mail.76 That the Council was on notice of the
    ballot summary language and tacitly approved it also informs our assessment of the
    Council‘s intent.
    (…continued)
    Given the sweeping nature of Councilmember Wells‘s proposed change, we cannot
    presume that this ―put the Council on notice of the distinction between an election
    that would take place ‗in 2014‘ and one that would be held ‗after January 1,
    2014,‘‖ as appellees suggest. Rather, we deem it more likely that these ―major
    changes‖ prompted the Council‘s rejection of Councilmember Wells‘s proposal,
    not the ―unequivocal command‖ of ―in 2014.‖
    75
    See 3 DCMR § 1800 et seq.
    76
    3 DCMR § 1802.5.
    36
    This leads us to the critical point in the 2010 Charter Amendment‘s history:
    the day District residents went to the polls, were given ballots containing the
    approved ballot summary language, and voted.           They voted for the Charter
    Amendment as described in the ballot summary, i.e., they voted to amend the
    Charter to allow for an election for the office of Attorney General ―in 2014.‖ We
    conclude in this case that the ballot summary language that the voters saw when
    they went to the polls perfectly reflects the electorate‘s intent in passing the 2010
    Charter Amendment.77
    The Council and the BOE strongly urge us, however, to consider what
    happened after the 2010 Act was passed by the Council and ratified by the
    electorate so as to amend the Charter: They assert that the delay provision in the
    2013 Act sheds light on the intent of the Council (if not the intent of the electorate)
    in amending the District Charter to allow the election of an Attorney General.
    77
    We reject the Council and the BOE‘s argument that the 76 percent of the
    voting public who ratified the 2010 Charter Amendment did not rely on the ballot
    summary because they ―kn[e]w that it [was] that actual language [of the 2010 Act],
    not the ballot summary, that they [we]re voting to ratify.‖ The Council and the
    BOE appear to assume that the voters had the text of the proposed Charter
    Amendment either memorized or readily at hand when they cast their votes. This
    expectation of the District‘s voters is inconsistent with the BOE‘s detailed process
    of scripting and adopting the ballot summary; these regulations suggest a tacit
    acknowledgement that the summary is very important, because it will likely form
    the basis of a voter‘s decision.
    37
    ―The views of a subsequent [legislative body] form a hazardous basis for
    inferring the intent of an earlier one. . . . The interpretation of statutes is, in the
    final analysis, the responsibility of courts, not of subsequently elected legislative
    bodies.‖   Winters v. Ridley, 
    596 A.2d 569
    , 577 (D.C. 1991) (Schwelb, J.,
    concurring) (footnote and internal quotation marks omitted); see also Tippett v.
    Daly, 
    10 A.3d 1123
    , 1132 (D.C. 2010) (en banc).                With ―a measure of
    circumspection,‖ however, we have determined in certain cases that subsequent
    action by a legislature elucidates the legislature‘s intent in an earlier enactment.
    See, e.g., Jackson, 
    999 A.2d at 108
    ; Winters, 
    596 A.2d at 577
    . To determine if this
    is such a case, we cannot hopscotch through time, however. We must consider the
    delay provision enacted in 2013 in context; that is, we must consider what
    happened in the more than two and a half years between the ratification of the 2010
    Charter Amendment in November 2010 and the proposal to delay the Attorney
    General election in July 2013.
    It is with this perspective that we reject the Council and BOE‘s argument
    that the Council‘s ―near-contemporaneous interpretation of the timing for the
    Attorney General election‖ was contained in the delay provision that ultimately
    became part of the 2013 Act. By 2013, a significant amount of time had passed
    since the Charter had been amended, and during that time the actions of the
    38
    Council reflected an understanding that an election would be held in 2014. It was
    in anticipation of a 2014 election that the Council took up in January 2013 the
    Mayor‘s proposed legislation to alter the structure of the Attorney General‘s
    Office.78 And the Mayor‘s legislation was voted out of Committee in July 2013
    with the express understanding that there would be a 2014 election.79 The delay
    provision, added to the Mayor‘s legislation only after this point, does not constitute
    persuasive evidence that the Council‘s intent, when it passed the 2010 Act, was to
    leave the timing of the Attorney General election open-ended and entirely subject
    to the Council‘s discretion.80    Indeed, if that were the Council‘s intent and
    78
    The legislation that the Mayor proposed said nothing about the timing of
    the election because, it seems it was his understanding (as reflected by his letter to
    the Council Chairperson requesting the legislation be introduced) that the timing
    was already fixed by the 2010 Charter Amendment. Likewise, this legislation
    cannot be construed as the ―implementing legislation‖ that the Council and the
    BOE now assert was needed to put the 2010 Charter Amendment in effect. Rather,
    the stated purpose of this legislation, proposed in anticipation of an already
    scheduled election, was ―to ensure the best prospects for [the] long-term success of
    this new arrangement for both the Office of the Mayor . . . and for the OAG.‖ It
    primarily clarified chains of command within the executive branch.
    79
    The Committee report stated that ―[i]n April 2014, the first nominees for
    Attorney General will be on the primary ballot, and the first elected Attorney
    General will take office in January 2015.‖ See D.C. Council, Comm. on the
    Judiciary & Pub. Safety, Report on Bill 20-134 at 2 (July 3, 2013).
    80
    We note that Councilmember Evans sponsored the delay provision that
    appellees now assert manifests the intent of the original Council. He was the sole
    Councilmember to vote against the 2010 Act after Councilmember Mendelson
    proposed the amendment clarifying that an election would be held in 2014.
    (continued…)
    39
    understanding of the Charter Amendment, it is hard to explain why the Council felt
    the need to pass any legislation at all to delay the election. The fact that they did
    enact such legislation suggests that they thought an election would take place in
    2014, in accordance with the 2010 Charter Amendment, unless and until they
    moved to stop it.
    All of this—the 2010 Charter Amendment read as a whole and in the context
    of the greater 2010 Act, the intent of the Council, and the intent of the electorate—
    leads us to conclude that the 2010 Charter Amendment language ―shall be after
    January 1, 2014‖ must be read as requiring an election for the office of Attorney
    General ―in 2014.‖ Moreover, we are not persuaded by the Council and the BOE‘s
    backstop argument—particularly pressed in their petition for rehearing or rehearing
    en banc—that to so construe the 2010 Charter Amendment would limit the
    Council‘s ―plenary authority‖ under § 752 of the Home Rule Act to legislate on
    (…continued)
    Meanwhile, the sponsors of the 2010 Act—Councilmember Mendelson, and co-
    sponsor, Councilmember David Catania—both voted against the 2013 Act. And if
    we look to all eight Councilmembers who voted for the 2010 Act and who were
    still on the Council three years later, only four voted for the 2013 Act. Instead of
    reflecting their original intent, it seems these four votes for the 2013 Act reflected a
    change of heart—or as amici aptly characterized it, ―legislative remorse.‖
    40
    ―matters involving or relating to elections in the District.‖81 While the Council‘s
    understanding of its conferred powers under the Home Rule Act cannot be ignored,
    the Council‘s view ―is not entitled to weight beyond the inherent persuasiveness of
    the position taken in a particular instance.‖    Jackson, 
    999 A.2d at
    101 n.17
    (recognizing that ―the Council‘s interpretation of its own authority under the Home
    Rule Act,‖ is not controlling because the Home Rule Act was passed by Congress,
    not the Council (internal quotation marks and brackets omitted)).
    For the Council and the BOE to prevail on their § 752 argument, we must
    conclude that the Council deliberately intended the language ―shall be after
    January 1, 2014‖ to be open-ended to preserve the Council‘s discretion to set the
    timing of an election for the office of Attorney General. If that were the case, we
    would have to defer to that choice. But we have concluded that the Council, and
    the electorate, intended that the election be held in 2014.         And given that
    conclusion, there is no conflict with § 752: The Council‘s authority has not been
    limited by our interpretation of the Charter Amendment; rather, the Council has
    simply already exercised its ―broad authority‖ under § 752 to call for an election
    81
    Section 752 is codified at 
    D.C. Code § 1-207.52
     (2012 Repl.), and it
    provides that ―[n]otwithstanding any other provision of this chapter or of any other
    law, the Council shall have authority to enact any act or resolution with respect to
    matters involving or relating to elections in the District.‖
    41
    for Attorney General in the 2014 election cycle by passing the 2010 Act. Once this
    proposal was ratified by the voters, transforming Title II of the 2010 Act into a
    Charter amendment, the subjects covered by Title II were no longer a matter on
    which the Council could legislate. Section 752 does not empower the Council to
    pass legislation to override or amend previously approved Charter amendments.
    See Price, 
    645 A.2d at 599
    .82 Thus, if the Council wishes to enact legislation that
    conflicts with the Charter as amended, it must first seek to amend the Charter by
    authorized means.
    *             *            *
    The trial court concluded that there was no requirement that the election for
    an Attorney General in the District be held in 2014 and dismissed Mr. Zukerberg‘s
    complaint for failure to state a claim. For the reasons set forth in this opinion, we
    reversed and remanded for further proceedings.
    82
    This court thus refuses to broadly read the ―notwithstanding‖ language of
    § 752 to allow the Council to circumvent the Charter amendment process
    whenever the amendment relates to elections. Such an interpretation would confer
    upon the Council the power to override Congress‘s truly plenary exercise of
    authority to enact a Charter amendment—an absurd result. We no more
    understand the Council to have such power when the Charter is amended through
    the alternative process of passage of legislation by the Council and ratification by
    the voters.