Committee to Ban Fracking in Michigan v. Bd of State Canvassers ( 2021 )


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  •              If this opinion indicates that it is “FOR PUBLICATION,” it is subject to
    revision until final publication in the Michigan Appeals Reports.
    STATE OF MICHIGAN
    COURT OF APPEALS
    COMMITTEE TO BAN FRACKING IN                                           FOR PUBLICATION
    MICHIGAN,                                                              January 21, 2021
    Plaintiff-Appellant,
    v                                                                      No. 354270
    Court of Claims
    BOARD OF STATE CANVASSERS,                                             LC No. 20-000125-MM
    Defendant-Appellee.
    Before: CAVANAGH, P.J., and JANSEN and SHAPIRO, JJ.
    SHAPIRO, J. (dissenting).
    I respectfully dissent.
    The question raised in this case is of significant public importance: whether MCL
    168.472a, which limits petition signature gathering to a period of 180 days, unconstitutionally
    burdens the right of citizen initiative established in Article 2, § 9, of Michigan’s 1963 Constitution.
    Despite the fact that this question has been before the judiciary since first raised by plaintiff in
    2016, we have yet to provide an answer.1 The majority’s approach would again put the question
    1
    Plaintiff sought a declaratory judgment on this issue in 2016, and we affirmed the dismissal of
    that action because plaintiff had not established an “actual controversy.” On November 5, 2018,
    plaintiff submitted its petition with the required number of signatures to the Secretary of State for
    a vote, if necessary, in the 2020 election. The Director of Elections refused to accept the petition
    for filing and plaintiff filed suit in the Court of Claims seeking to have the petition accepted and
    challenging the constitutionality of the 180-day limit. On April 2, 2020, we held that the Secretary
    acted improperly in refusing to accept the petition for canvassing but did not address the
    constitutional question because the Board of State Canvassers had not decided the adequacy of the
    signatures. Although it did not seek leave to appeal to the Supreme Court, the Board of Canvassers
    still refused to accept the signatures for nearly one month and then took another month to complete
    the canvass, finally issuing its rejection on June 8, 2020. Having been denied ballot access,
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    off to some other day. However, no further delay is jurisdictionally required as plaintiff’s request
    for a declaratory judgment is proper and the Supreme Court’s 2020 order denying mandamus does
    not have preclusive effect because it does not state the basis for the denial or provide other
    guidance regarding this constitutional question. See DeFrain v State Farm Mut Auto Ins Co, 
    491 Mich 359
    , 369; 817 NW2d 504 (2012) (“An order of this Court is binding precedent if it constitutes
    a final disposition of an application and contains a concise statement of the applicable facts and
    reasons for the decision.”). See also Hoffman v Silverthorn, 
    137 Mich 60
    , 64-65; 
    100 NW 183
    (1904) (holding that when the Supreme Court denies mandamus the Court does not decide the
    merits of the application for purposes of res judicata).
    I would therefore address the constitutional question, conclude that MCL 168.472a violates
    Article 2, § 9 of the 1963 Constitution and direct the Court of Claims to issue an appropriate
    declaratory judgment.
    I. MANDAMUS DENIAL AND JURISDICTION
    The majority concludes that the Supreme Court’s denial of mandamus regarding plaintiff’s
    2020 petition deprives the Court of Claims of its normal jurisdiction to grant declaratory
    judgments. However, the majority offers very little explanation for this extraordinary holding.
    The majority seems to conclude that because plaintiff has exhausted its claim for 2020 ballot access
    that it is thereafter precluded from ever bringing a declaratory-judgment action on the basis of the
    claim that the 180-day limit is unconstitutional. However, with access to the 2020 ballot a moot
    question, the plaintiff in this action is no longer acting as a “person who feels aggrieved by any
    determination made by the board of state canvassers” as to “the sufficiency or insufficiency of an
    initiative petition . . . .” MCL 168.479(1)-(2). While access to the 2020 ballot ended with the
    Supreme Court’s denial of mandamus, the underlying legal issue has not been resolved.
    Plaintiff is now in the position of a proposal committee that seeks a determination of its
    responsibilities to obtain ballot access in the future. The time limit for signature gathering remains
    a justiciable issue and declaratory-judgment actions against the state begin in the Court of Claims.
    MCL 600.6419(1)(a). The majority fails to appreciate that even though plaintiff “has exhausted
    its legal remedies with respect to judicial review of defendant’s insufficiency determination of its
    initiative petition,” plaintiff—like any other litigant—may nonetheless bring an action for a
    declaratory relief if there is an “actual controversy.” MCR 2.605(A)(1). In 2017, we concluded
    that plaintiff had not established an actual controversy when it had not yet had its petition rejected
    by the Board on the basis of the 180-day rule:
    This is not a case in which plaintiffs have collected the number of required petition
    signatures, albeit during a time-frame outside the 180–day rule, filed those petitions
    at least 160 days before the election, had those petitions rejected by defendants as
    plaintiff sought a writ of mandamus in the Supreme Court per MCL 168.479. The Supreme Court
    denied relief, without comment. Plaintiff then returned to the Court of Claims, which ruled against
    it on July 30, 2020, on the ground that the Supreme Court had exclusive jurisdiction to hear the
    constitutional challenge. Plaintiff now appeal that decision.
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    insufficient, and then had their ballot proposal denied. In fact, defendants had made
    no adverse claim and had taken no adverse action that impacted plaintiffs’ legal
    rights in any way before plaintiffs filed this action. That is, no controversy between
    the parties existed. Rather, plaintiffs are projecting that, in the future, if they ever
    collect the precise number of petition signatures required for their ballot initiative,
    they will be rejected by defendants because they do not meet the requirements of
    the 180–day rule. Thus, plaintiffs’ claim sets forth a possible—not actual—
    controversy that may arise in the future which rests upon contingent, uncertain
    events that may not occur at all and the injury plaintiffs seek to prevent is merely
    conjectural or hypothetical. [Comm to Ban Fracking in Mich v Dir of Elections,
    unpublished per curiam opinion of the Court of Appeals, issued March 14, 2017
    (Docket No. 334480), p 1.]
    When plaintiff sought a declaratory judgment from the Court of Claims in 2020, however,
    its claim was no longer hypothetical. Plaintiff had collected the required number of signatures,
    submitted its petition to the Board, and the Board rejected the petition because many of the
    signatures were collected more than 180 days before the petition was filed. Thus, plaintiff clearly
    now had standing to seek a declaratory judgment in the Court of Claims that the 180-day rule was
    unconstitutional.
    I would conclude that plaintiff continues to have standing to seek a declaratory judgment
    even though the 2020 election has passed. This is not a case where plaintiff “only ask[s] for a
    declaratory judgment because it perhaps may be needed in the future . . . .” League of Women
    Voters of Mich v Secretary of State, ___ Mich ___, ___; ___ NW2d ___ (2020) (Docket Nos.
    160907, 160908); slip op at 17-18. Rather, plaintiff obtained the requisite number of petition
    signatures once and it intends to file again. Seeking clarification of the statute prior to another
    round of signature gathering is wholly consistent with the purpose of allowing a party to seek
    declaratory relief. Declaratory-judgment actions are of particular significance where a
    constitutional question is at issue. In UAW v Central Michigan Univ Trustees, 
    295 Mich App 486
    ,
    493-497; 815 NW2d 132 (2012), the plaintiffs sought a declaratory judgment that a policy barring
    CMU employees from running for office was unconstitutional even though no CMU employee
    had attempted to become a candidate. We held that the plaintiffs had standing, noting that the
    purpose of a declaratory judgment is “to enable the parties to obtain adjudication of rights before
    an actual injury occurs, to settle a matter before it ripens into a violation of the law . . . or to avoid
    multiplicity of actions by affording a remedy for declaring in expedient action the rights and
    obligations of all litigants.” 
    Id. at 496
    , quoting Rose v State Farm Mut Auto Ins Co, 
    274 Mich App 291
    , 294; 732 NW2d 160 (2006) (emphasis removed). Considering “that the bar for standing is
    lower when a case concerns election law,” League of Women Voters, ___ Mich at ___; slip op at
    18, plaintiff has shown a continuing actual controversy.
    Alternatively, to the extent that an actual controversy no longer exists, a court may address
    a moot issue that “is one of public significance that is likely to recur, yet evade judicial review . . .
    .” PT Today, Inc v Comm of Office of Fin and Ins Servs, 
    270 Mich App 110
    , 126; 715 NW2d 398
    (2006). It seems absurd to suggest that this issue of public importance may not be heard until
    plaintiff (or some other petitioner) (a) again goes to the enormous effort of signature gathering, (b)
    is denied ballot access based on MCL 168.472a by the Board and (c) seeks mandamus from the
    Supreme Court with the ballot deadline breathing down that Court’s neck. Indeed, it would be
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    hard to define a less efficient way for the courts to address this important question. And of course,
    the Supreme Court could again deny mandamus without addressing the substantive issue, which
    under the majority’s approach would bring us back to square one and further delay judicial review
    of MCL 168.472a. I cannot conclude that in amending MCL 168.479 the Legislature intended to
    forever bar a declaratory-judgment action as to the constitutionality of MCL 168.472a, and I
    cannot approve of the Catch-22 allowed for by the majority that effectively precludes judicial
    review.
    Even though plaintiff’s access to the 2020 ballot is foreclosed, the constitutional question
    remains an issue for which a declaratory judgment is proper. Initiative petitions will almost
    certainly be filed for the 2022 and 2024 elections and according to plaintiffs they will be among
    the groups seeking ballot access. Either an actual controversy exists or the substantive issue should
    nonetheless be reviewed because it is publicly significant and likely to evade judicial review.
    Accordingly, I would hold that the Court of Claims has jurisdiction to hear plaintiff’s request for
    declaratory relief on the merits.
    II. DOES MCL 168.472A VIOLATE THE RIGHT OF STATUTORY INITIATIVE
    ESTABLISHED BY ART 2 § 9 OF THE 1963 CONSTITUTION?
    Article 2, § 9 of the 1963 Constitution established the right to initiative reserved by the
    people:
    The people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and to enact and reject
    laws, called the initiative . . . . To invoke the initiative . . . , petitions signed by a
    number of registered electors, not less than eight percent . . . of the total vote cast
    for all candidates for governor at the last preceding general election at which a
    governor was elected shall be required.
    The language of the provision places no limit on the time to gather signatures. On the face
    of the provision, therefore, it is difficult to see the basis for the Legislature to place a 180-day limit
    on the time to gather signatures. Article 2, § 9, establishes rights in the people alone, without any
    language suggesting that the Legislature may limit those rights. There is an overriding rule of
    constitutional construction that requires that “specific power[s] the people themselves have
    expressly reserved . . . be saved if possible as against conceivable if not likely evasion or parry by
    the legislature.” Mich Farm Bureau v Hare, 
    379 Mich 387
    , 393; 151 NW2d 797 (1967).
    “[C]onstitutional provisions by which the people reserve to themselves a direct legislative voice
    ought to be liberally construed.” Kuhn v Dep’t of Treasury, 
    384 Mich 378
    , 385; 183 NW2d 796
    (1971). See also Farm Bureau Mutual Ins Co of Mich v Commissioner of Ins, 
    204 Mich App 361
    ,
    367; 514 NW2d 547 (1994).
    The Board relies on Consumers Power Co v Attorney General, 
    426 Mich 1
    ; 392 NW2d
    513 (1986), as its primary authority for the constitutionality of the 180-day limit. However,
    Consumers Power did not address the people’s right to initiative nor the text of Article 2, § 9. That
    case held that, as to a petition to amend the Constitution, the Legislature may impose a
    presumption of staleness to signatures gathered outside a 180-day period. Consumers Power found
    that MCL 168.472a was constitutional as to a petition to amend the Constitution, which is governed
    by Article 12, § 2 of the Constitution, not Article 2, § 9, which is at issue here. And unlike Article
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    2, § 9, Article 12, § 2 provides that “[a]ny such petition shall be in the form, and shall be signed
    and circulated in such manner, as prescribed by law.” This grant of authority to the Legislature is
    not present in Article 2, section 9. Thus, Consumers Power undermines the Board’s position
    because in Article 12, § 2, the drafters of the Constitution demonstrated that they understood what
    language would provide the Legislature with broad power over the petition process and they chose
    not to include that language in Article 2, § 9.
    Even if one were to view Consumers Power as relevant, the nature of the Legislature’s
    actions at issue in that case were far less burdensome on the right to petition than is the statute we
    consider in this case. The “presumption of staleness” limitation approved in Consumers Power
    did not place any legal limit on the time allowed for circulation. That presumption is rebuttable
    and allows the petitioner an opportunity to demonstrate that individuals who signed outside the
    180 days were still registered to vote in Michigan and so entitled to have their signature counted.
    Consumers Power explicitly relied on the distinction between an unrebuttable and rebuttable
    presumption and did not approve a hard and fast-time limit: “The statute does not set a 180-day
    time limit for obtaining signatures. The statute itself establishes no such time limit. It states rather
    that if a signature is affixed to a petition more than 180 days before the petition is filed it is
    presumed to be stale and void. But that presumption can be rebutted.” Consumers Power, 
    426 Mich at 8
     (emphasis added).
    The presumption of staleness provides increased security in the petitioning process to
    ensure signature validity, but does not require the Board to disqualify all signatures outside the
    180 days. Thus, even if one were to somehow incorporate the text from Article 12, § 2 into Article
    2 § 9, MCL 168.472a would remain infirm. Even where an amendment is at issue, the Legislature
    and the courts may not impose “undue burdens” on the people’s right to amend. See Wolverine
    Golf Club v Secretary of State, 
    384 Mich 461
    , 466; 185 NW2d 392 (1971) (quotation marks and
    citation omitted).
    Moreover, it is well settled that Article 2, § 9, is self-executing and does not require any
    legislation for it to be applied. This was discussed at length in Wolverine Golf Club v Hare, 
    24 Mich App 711
    , 725; 180 NW2d 820 (1970): “Our only inquiry must be whether the statute is
    repugnant to the Constitution. It is settled law that the legislature may not act to impose additional
    obligations on a self-executing constitutional provision.”2
    2
    The Court further explained:
    To hold that the right of initiative reserved to the people of the State of
    Michigan is not self-executing is to ignore the expressed intent of the framers. This
    conclusion is more compelling in light of the perceptive opinion of Justice Bird in
    Hamilton v Secretary of State (1924), 
    227 Mich 111
    , 130:
    “The initiative found its birth in the fact that political parties repeatedly
    made promises to the electorate both in and out of their platforms to favor and pass
    certain legislation for which there was a popular demand. As soon as election was
    over, their promises were forgotten, and no effort was made to redeem them. These
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    Some administrative requirements may be imposed in order to ensure that the petitions
    follow a certain form and that the Board has the time to canvass them prior to preparation of the
    ballot. However, “[t]here is . . . an important distinction between statutes which protect the people
    from fraudulent attempts to bypass the legislature through initiative and those which create
    unnecessary obstacles to restrict the lawful use of intuitive.” Wolverine Golf Club, 24 Mich App
    at 733. To the degree that “legislation supplementary to self-executing provisions” may be
    effective, “such law must not curtail the rights reserved, or exceed the limitations specified” in the
    Constitution. League of Women Voters of Mich v Secretary of State, 
    331 Mich App 156
    , ___; ___
    NW2d ___ (2020) (Docket Nos. 350938, 351073); slip op at 11, rev’d in part on other grounds
    ___ Mich ___ (quotation marks and citation omitted). But that is exactly what MCL 168.472a
    does.
    While the Constitution places the duty of implementation of initiative and
    referendum provisions on the Legislature, it does so as an incident to the granting
    of a right to the people. Although administrative implementation is needed if the
    initiative process is to function smoothly, the administrative statutes may not create
    unnecessary burdens which tend to restrict the constitutional right. The spirit of
    promises were made so often and then forgotten that the electorate at last through
    sheer desperation took matters into its own hands and constructed a constitutional
    procedure by which it could effect changes in the Constitution and bring about
    desired legislation without the aid of the Legislature. It was in this mood that the
    electorate gave birth to the constitutional provision under consideration. In view
    of this I am persuaded that it was not the intention of the electorate that the
    Legislature should meddle in any way with the constitutional procedure to amend
    the state Constitution. It was fittingly said in the following cases that:
    “ ‘A constitutional provision designed to remove an existing mischief
    should never be construed as dependent for its efficacy and operation upon
    legislative will.’ ”
    * * *
    “In cases where a provision is self-executing, legislation may still be
    desirable, by way of providing a more specific and convenient remedy and
    facilitating the carrying into effect or execution of the rights secured, making every
    step definite, and safeguarding the same so as to prevent abuses. Such legislation,
    however, must be in harmony with the spirit of the Constitution, and its object to
    further the exercise of constitutional right and make it more available, and such law
    must not curtail the rights reserved, or exceed the limitations specified.” State, ex
    rel. Caldwell. v. Hooker (1908), 22 Okla 712, 718 (98 p 964). [Wolverine Golf
    Club, 24 Mich App at 728-30.]
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    the Constitution is not met if the rights it grants are unnecessarily impaired under
    the guise of implementation.” [Id. at ___; slip op at 12 (emphasis added).3]
    The burden created by the 180-day circulation limit is unquestionably an “undue burden.”
    It provides no more protection from the counting of invalid signatures than did the “presumption
    of staleness” that placed the burden on the circulators to show that signatures over 180 days old
    are valid. Yet despite adding no additional election security, the absolute limit requires that valid
    signatures of registered voters be discarded. It is difficult to even articulate any basis for the
    absolute limit other than a legislative desire to limit the self-retained right of the people to initiate
    legislation. Indeed, the Board does not even attempt to argue that the 180-day requirement is
    necessary to ensure the security of the process or its administrative responsibility. And, as noted,
    Consumers Power specifically relied on the fact that the “presumption of staleness” was a
    rebuttable, rather than an unrebuttable presumption.
    The 180-day absolute limit for circulation of initiative petitions is plainly violative of the
    state Constitution. It is a blatant attempt by the Legislature to interfere with the people’s self-
    retained right to initiate legislation.
    For these reasons, I respectfully dissent.
    /s/ Douglas B. Shapiro
    3
    The Supreme Court recently held that the League of Women Voters’ challenge to newly-adopted
    petition requirements was moot because the plaintiff had voluntarily abandoned its petition drive.
    League of Women Voters, ___ Mich at ___; slip op at 11-15. That is not the case here given the
    completed petition drive, the ensuing litigation and plaintiff’s declared intent to proceed in 2022.
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