B. McLaughlin v. MT Legislature ( 2021 )


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  •                                                                                                  07/14/2021
    SYNOPSIS OF THE CASE                                          Case Number: OP 21-0173
    
    2021 MT 178
    , OP 21-0173: BETH McLAUGHLIN, Petitioner, v. THE MONTANA
    STATE LEGISLATURE and THE MONTANA DEPARTMENT OF
    ADMINISTRATION, Respondents.1
    The Montana Supreme Court held unanimously today that the State Legislature
    exceeded the scope of its legislative functions when it issued subpoenas for the electronic
    records of Judicial Branch Court Administrator Beth McLaughlin. The Court ruled that
    the subpoenas sought information not related to a valid legislative purpose, information
    that is confidential by law, and information in which third parties have a constitutionally
    protected individual privacy interest. The subpoenas arose from the Legislature’s stated
    concern about the practice of polling judges for what it called “prejudg[ing] legislation and
    issues” that may come before the courts.
    In today’s Opinion, the Court first rejected the Legislature’s argument that the
    Supreme Court had no authority to rule on the case because it presented a direct conflict
    between the two branches of government that could be handled only through negotiation
    between the branches. Citing a court’s “unflagging responsibility to decide cases and
    controversies,” the Supreme Court noted that disputes over the scope of legislative
    subpoena power had been litigated in numerous cases and “are squarely within the
    authority of the courts.” It referred to the U.S. Supreme Court’s recent decision in
    Trump v. Mazars, in which the High Court ruled on Congressional subpoenas to the
    President and set forth a balance of factors that courts must consider in examining
    subpoenas to minimize “interbranch confrontation.”
    The Montana Supreme Court rejected the Legislature’s argument that it needed
    McLaughlin’s e-mails to investigate the potential for bias among judges who could be
    considering court challenges to legislation. First, under the Montana Constitution, the
    Judicial Standards Commission, not the Legislature, investigates allegations of judicial
    misconduct. Any concern about a judge making statements about cases that are or could
    come before the courts would be within the exclusive authority of the Judicial Standards
    Commission and the Supreme Court. Second, the U.S. Supreme Court in Republican Party
    v. White (2002) struck down as a First Amendment violation a Minnesota law prohibiting
    candidates for judicial election from announcing their views on disputed legal and political
    issues. Impartiality, the Supreme Court explained in White, guarantees a party that the
    judge who hears the case will apply the law to that party in the same way the judge applies
    it to any other party. A judge’s views regarding the relevant legal issues in a case is not a
    necessary component of equal justice. The Supreme Court explained in White that
    impartiality also means open-mindedness: “This quality in a judge demands, not that he
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    This synopsis has been prepared for the convenience of the reader. It constitutes no part of the
    Opinion of the Court and may not be cited as precedent.
    have no preconceptions on legal issues, but that he be willing to consider views that oppose
    his preconceptions, and remain open to persuasion, when issues arise in a pending case.”
    The Montana Supreme Court emphasized the rules of judicial conduct that encourage
    judges to share their “special expertise” with the Legislature on matters concerning the law,
    the legal system, and court administration.
    The Court noted longstanding constitutional principles that a legislative body may
    investigate only into those areas in which it may potentially legislate; a legislature cannot
    inquire into matters within the exclusive province of one of the other branches of
    government. Because McLaughlin had not retained the e-mails from individual judges
    registering their votes, the Legislature sought to investigate whether members of the
    Judiciary or employees of the Judicial Branch had deleted public records and information
    in violation of state law and policy. But the Legislature is not a law enforcement agency,
    and addressing alleged violations of existing law is an enforcement matter that is within
    the power of the executive branch. The Judicial Branch’s policies—which are available to
    the public—did not require members or employees of the branch to retain every e-mail.
    The Court concluded that the Legislature failed to show that compelling production of
    thousands of unredacted Judicial Branch messages, rather than undertaking other forms of
    inquiry, would advance its consideration of legislation on the matter of a judicial records
    retention policy. The Court thus held the subpoenas invalid to the extent they sought to
    determine whether Judicial Branch employees or officials violated state law or policy.
    The Court also held that the Legislature had not shown a valid legislative purpose
    in seeking to investigate whether the Court Administrator and members of the Judicial
    Branch had improperly used government time and resources to lobby the Legislature. The
    subpoenas were issued following a court challenge to the constitutionality of
    Senate Bill 140, a bill abolishing the Judicial Nomination Commission that had been in
    place to select nominees for filling judicial vacancies in Montana. McLaughlin had
    facilitated a poll of district judges to determine whether the Montana Judges Association
    should take a position on the bill. The Association voted to oppose the measure and went
    on record to make the Legislature aware of its position. The Court held that these actions
    did not give rise to a legislative purpose for the subpoenas. First, the Legislature again was
    seeking to perform a law enforcement function outside the scope of legislative authority.
    Second, state law excludes actions of public officials acting in their governmental
    capacities from the definition of “lobbying.” Third, under the statutory definition of
    “lobbyist,” the Court Administrator was not lobbying when she facilitated the polling of
    judges because she did not have personal contact with any legislators on the subject, and
    the Montana Judges Association—through its registered lobbyist—publicly reported its
    activities on the bill.
    The Supreme Court referenced both the Judicial Branch e-mail policy and the
    Code of Judicial Conduct, which expressly authorizes judges to use court “premises, staff,
    stationery, equipment, or other resources” for “incidental” activities that concern the
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    “law, the legal system, or the administration of justice.” Because “[j]udges are uniquely
    qualified to engage in the extrajudicial activities that concern” such matters, the Code of
    Judicial Conduct expressly allows them to “share that expertise with governmental bodies
    and executive or legislative branch officials.”
    Finally, the Court held, the legislative subpoenas were far too broad. They were not
    limited to “public records” or “public information” but encompassed information regarding
    confidential personnel-related matters; confidential Youth Court matters; confidential
    matters before the Judicial Standards Commission; potential on-going security risks to
    individual judges; ongoing cases and judicial work product; and information in which
    third parties have protected privacy interests. Rather than following avenues established
    by statute for seeking information from the Court Administrator or giving her the notice
    and opportunity to respond that due process requires for all other subpoenas, the
    Legislature demanded production within a 24-hour period from a separate agency. In turn,
    the Department of Administration Director failed to consider the significant potential
    confidentiality and privacy interests when she began her blanket release of the e-mails
    without giving McLaughlin notice or an opportunity to review the materials and raise any
    such concerns or seek protection of confidential information in a court of law. These basic
    safeguards were ignored.
    In that regard, the Court pointed out that ensuring due process of the law is a judicial
    function, not a legislative function. If the Legislature issues a subpoena to a government
    officer that may reach information that is confidential by law or involves individual privacy
    interests of third parties, the government officer must have a chance to review the materials
    first, and any issues about disclosure must be presented to a court.
    This is not to say, the Court agreed, that the Court Administrator is insulated from
    revealing information to the legislative branch of state government. “Far from it.” The
    Legislature has provided for alternative means by which to obtain information and to
    determine accountability of administrative matters in the Judicial Branch. Had the
    Legislature sought information through these means, it might have avoided interbranch
    confrontation instead of subpoenaing a broad swath of McLaughlin’s records without any
    notice to the Judicial Branch.
    The Court ordered the Legislature to return all materials provided under the
    previously issued subpoenas; prohibited the Legislature, its legal counsel, and the
    Department of Administration from disclosing or disseminating any additional information
    provided in response to the subpoenas; and held that the subpoenas could not be enforced
    or reissued.
    Two members of the Court wrote additional concurring opinions. Specially
    concurring with the decision, Justice McKinnon would also have quashed the subpoenas
    to McLaughlin, but upon the grounds that the Legislature’s investigation into alleged
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    misconduct of the Judicial Branch violated the constitutional doctrine of separation of
    powers. Without question, the Legislature’s goal in issuing the subpoenas was to expose
    purported violations by judges of ethical codes, state law, and state policy. These are
    plainly allegations of misconduct which do not have a valid legislative purpose. Montana’s
    Constitution specifically provides the method for addressing judicial misconduct is through
    the Judicial Standards Commission. The constitutional doctrine of separation of powers
    does not tolerate attempts to control, interfere, or intimidate one branch of government by
    another.
    In a separate concurring opinion, Justice Sandefur noted his complete concurrence
    in the comprehensive analysis and holdings in the majority opinion but wrote separately to
    further concur in Justice McKinnon’s special concurrence, as supplemental reasoning
    wholly consistent with the Court’s main analysis and holdings. Justice Sandefur further
    stressed the critical importance of adherence and respect for the constitutional separation
    of powers and the rule of law in the face of the reckless “crisis” unscrupulously ginned-up
    for the purely partisan purpose of undermining the constitutional function of Montana’s
    duly-elected non-partisan Judicial Branch—to conduct independent review of legislative
    enactments for compliance with the supreme law of this state, the Montana Constitution.
    District Judge Donald Harris of Billings joined the Court on the case in place of
    Justice Jim Rice, who recused himself after filing his own lawsuit to challenge the
    Legislature’s subpoena for his electronic records.
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Document Info

Docket Number: OP 21-0173

Filed Date: 7/14/2021

Precedential Status: Non-Precedential

Modified Date: 7/14/2021