South Bay United Pentecostal Church v. Newsom ( 2021 )


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  •                   Cite as: 592 U. S. ____ (2021)            1
    ROBERTS, C. J., concurring
    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
    _________________
    No. 20A136 (20–746)
    _________________
    SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH,
    ET AL., v. GAVIN NEWSOM, GOVERNOR OF
    CALIFORNIA, ET AL.
    ON APPLICATION FOR INJUNCTIVE RELIEF
    [February 5, 2021]
    The application for injunctive relief presented to JUSTICE
    KAGAN and by her referred to the Court is granted in part.
    Respondents are enjoined from enforcing the Blueprint’s
    Tier 1 prohibition on indoor worship services against the
    applicants pending disposition of the petition for a writ of
    certiorari. The application is denied with respect to the per-
    centage capacity limitations, and respondents are not en-
    joined from imposing a 25% capacity limitation on indoor
    worship services in Tier 1. The application is denied with
    respect to the prohibition on singing and chanting during
    indoor services. This order is without prejudice to the ap-
    plicants presenting new evidence to the District Court that
    the State is not applying the percentage capacity limita-
    tions or the prohibition on singing and chanting in a gener-
    ally applicable manner. Should the petition for a writ of
    certiorari be denied, this order shall terminate automati-
    cally. In the event the petition for a writ of certiorari is
    granted, the order shall terminate upon the sending down
    of the judgment of this Court.
    JUSTICE THOMAS and JUSTICE GORSUCH would grant the
    application in full.
    JUSTICE ALITO would grant the application with respect
    to all of the capacity restrictions on indoor worship services
    and the prohibition against indoor singing and chanting,
    2   SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH v. NEWSOM
    ROBERTS, C. J., concurring
    and would stay for 30 days an injunction against the per-
    centage attendance caps and the prohibition against indoor
    singing and chanting. JUSTICE ALITO would have the stay
    lift in 30 days unless the State demonstrates clearly that
    nothing short of those measures will reduce the community
    spread of COVID–19 at indoor religious gatherings to the
    same extent as do the restrictions the State enforces with
    respect to other activities it classifies as essential.
    CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS, concurring in the partial grant
    of application for injunctive relief.
    As I explained the last time the Court considered this
    evolving case, federal courts owe significant deference to po-
    litically accountable officials with the “background, compe-
    tence, and expertise to assess public health.” South Bay
    United Pentecostal Church v. Newsom, 590 U. S. ___, ___
    (2020) (opinion concurring in denial of application for in-
    junctive relief ) (slip op., at 2). The State has concluded, for
    example, that singing indoors poses a heightened risk of
    transmitting COVID–19. I see no basis in this record for
    overriding that aspect of the state public health framework.
    At the same time, the State’s present determination—that
    the maximum number of adherents who can safely worship
    in the most cavernous cathedral is zero—appears to reflect
    not expertise or discretion, but instead insufficient appreci-
    ation or consideration of the interests at stake.
    I adhere to the view that the “Constitution principally en-
    trusts the safety and the health of the people to the politi-
    cally accountable officials of the States.” Ibid. (internal
    quotation marks and alteration omitted). But the Consti-
    tution also entrusts the protection of the people’s rights to
    the Judiciary—not despite judges being shielded by life ten-
    ure, see post, at 6 (KAGAN, J., dissenting), but because they
    are. Deference, though broad, has its limits.
    Cite as: 592 U. S. ____ (2021)            1
    BARRETT, J., concurring
    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
    _________________
    No. 20A136 (20–746)
    _________________
    SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH,
    ET AL., v. GAVIN NEWSOM, GOVERNOR OF
    CALIFORNIA, ET AL.
    ON APPLICATION FOR INJUNCTIVE RELIEF
    [February 5, 2021]
    JUSTICE BARRETT, with whom JUSTICE KAVANAUGH
    joins, concurring in the partial grant of application for in-
    junctive relief.
    I agree with JUSTICE GORSUCH’s statement, save its con-
    tention that the Court should enjoin California’s prohibi-
    tion on singing and chanting during indoor services. The
    applicants bore the burden of establishing their entitlement
    to relief from the singing ban. In my view, they did not
    carry that burden—at least not on this record. As the case
    comes to us, it remains unclear whether the singing ban ap-
    plies across the board (and thus constitutes a neutral and
    generally applicable law) or else favors certain sectors (and
    thus triggers more searching review). Of course, if a chor-
    ister can sing in a Hollywood studio but not in her church,
    California’s regulations cannot be viewed as neutral. But
    the record is uncertain, and the decisions below unfortu-
    nately shed little light on the issue. As the order notes,
    however, the applicants remain free to show that the sing-
    ing ban is not generally applicable and to advance their
    claim accordingly.
    Cite as: 592 U. S. ____ (2021)              1
    Statement of GORSUCH, J.
    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
    _________________
    No. 20A136 (20–746)
    _________________
    SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH,
    ET AL., v. GAVIN NEWSOM, GOVERNOR OF
    CALIFORNIA, ET AL.
    ON APPLICATION FOR INJUNCTIVE RELIEF
    [February 5, 2021]
    Statement of JUSTICE GORSUCH, with whom JUSTICE
    THOMAS and JUSTICE ALITO join.
    Often, courts addressing First Amendment free exercise
    challenges face difficult questions about whether a law re-
    flects “ ‘subtle departures from neutrality,’ ” “ ‘religious ger-
    rymander[ing],’ ” or “impermissible targeting” of religion.
    Church of Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. Hialeah, 
    508 U. S. 520
    , 534–535 (1993). But not here. Since the arrival of
    COVID–19, California has openly imposed more stringent
    regulations on religious institutions than on many busi-
    nesses. The State’s spreadsheet summarizing its pandemic
    rules even assigns places of worship their own row. See
    App. to Emergency Application for Writ of Injunction, App.
    G–3. At “Tier 1,” applicable today in most of the State, Cal-
    ifornia forbids any kind of indoor worship. Meanwhile, the
    State allows most retail operations to proceed indoors with
    25% occupancy, and other businesses to operate at 50% oc-
    cupancy or more. See ibid; see also ___ F. 3d ___, 
    2021 WL 222814
    , App. A (CA9, Jan. 22, 2021). Apparently, Califor-
    nia is the only State in the country that has gone so far as
    to ban all indoor religious services. See Brief for Becket
    Fund for Religious Liberty as Amicus Curiae, 5–6.
    When a State so obviously targets religion for differential
    treatment, our job becomes that much clearer. As the Ninth
    Circuit recognized, regulations like these violate the First
    2   SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH v. NEWSOM
    Statement of GORSUCH, J.
    Amendment unless the State can show they are the least
    restrictive means of achieving a compelling government in-
    terest. ___ F. 3d, at ___, 
    2021 WL 222814
    , *9.
    In cases implicating this form of “strict scrutiny,” courts
    nearly always face an individual’s claim of constitutional
    right pitted against the government’s claim of special ex-
    pertise in a matter of high importance involving public
    health or safety. It has never been enough for the State to
    insist on deference or demand that individual rights give
    way to collective interests. Of course we are not scientists,
    but neither may we abandon the field when government of-
    ficials with experts in tow seek to infringe a constitutionally
    protected liberty. The whole point of strict scrutiny is to
    test the government’s assertions, and our precedents make
    plain that it has always been a demanding and rarely sat-
    isfied standard. See Lukumi, 
    508 U. S., at 546
    . Even in
    times of crisis—perhaps especially in times of crisis—we
    have a duty to hold governments to the Constitution.
    Still, California says it can thread the needle. It insists
    that religious worship is so different that it demands espe-
    cially onerous regulation. The State offers essentially four
    reasons why: It says that religious exercises involve (1)
    large numbers of people mixing from different households;
    (2) in close physical proximity; (3) for extended periods; (4)
    with singing.
    No one before us disputes that factors like these may in-
    crease the risk of transmitting COVID–19. And no one need
    doubt that the State has a compelling interest in reducing
    that risk. This Court certainly is not downplaying the suf-
    fering many have experienced in this pandemic. But Cali-
    fornia errs to the extent it suggests its four factors are al-
    ways present in worship, or always absent from the other
    secular activities its regulations allow. Nor has California
    sought to explain why it cannot address its legitimate con-
    cerns with rules short of a total ban. Each of the State’s
    shortcomings are telltale signs this Court has long used to
    Cite as: 592 U. S. ____ (2021)            3
    Statement of GORSUCH, J.
    identify laws that fail strict scrutiny. See, e.g., First Nat.
    Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, 
    435 U. S. 765
    , 793 (1978) (The
    State’s proffered “purpose is belied, however, by the provi-
    sions of the statute, which are both underinclusive and
    overinclusive.”).
    Consider California’s arguments in turn. The State pre-
    sumes that worship inherently involves a large number of
    people. Never mind that scores might pack into train sta-
    tions or wait in long checkout lines in the businesses the
    State allows to remain open. Never mind, too, that some
    worshippers may seek only to pray in solitude, go to confes-
    sion, or study in small groups. See Harvest Rock Church,
    Inc. v. Newsom, App. to Emergency Application for Writ of
    Injunction, No. 20A137, Exh. A, No. 20–56357, p. 4, n. 1
    (CA9, Jan. 25, 2021) (O’Scannlain, J., specially concurring).
    Nor does California explain why the less restrictive option
    of limiting the number of people who may gather at one
    time is insufficient for houses of worship, even though it has
    found that answer adequate for so many stores and busi-
    nesses.
    Next, the State tells us that worshippers are sure to seek
    close physical interactions. It touts its mild climate, too,
    suggesting that worshippers might enjoy more space out-
    doors. Yet, California is not as concerned with the close
    physical proximity of hairstylists or manicurists to their
    customers, whom they touch and remain near for extended
    periods. The State does not force them or retailers to do all
    their business in parking lots and parks. And California
    allows people to sit in relatively close proximity inside
    buses too. Nor, again, does California explain why the nar-
    rower options it thinks adequate in many secular settings—
    such as social distancing requirements, masks, cleaning,
    plexiglass barriers, and the like—cannot suffice here. Es-
    pecially when those measures are in routine use in religious
    services across the country today.
    California worries that worship brings people together
    4   SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH v. NEWSOM
    Statement of GORSUCH, J.
    for too much time. Yet, California does not limit its citizens
    to running in and out of other establishments; no one is
    barred from lingering in shopping malls, salons, or bus ter-
    minals. Nor, yet again, has California explained why more
    narrowly tailored options, like a reasonable limit on the
    length of indoor religious gatherings, would fail to meet its
    concerns.
    When it comes to each of the first three factors, California
    singles out religion for worse treatment than many secular
    activities. At the same time, the State fails to explain why
    narrower options it finds sufficient in secular contexts do
    not satisfy its legitimate interests. Recently, this Court
    made it abundantly clear that edicts like California’s fail
    strict scrutiny and violate the Constitution. See Roman
    Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn v. Cuomo, ante, at ___ (per cu-
    riam). Today’s order should have been needless; the lower
    courts in these cases should have followed the extensive
    guidance this Court already gave. 1
    If I have a quibble with the Court’s order, it is with how
    it addresses California’s final factor, singing. While the
    Court’s order requires California to allow churches to open,
    it also permits California to enforce, for now, a categorical
    ban on singing during services. This much might seem un-
    derstandable. California has sensibly expressed concern
    that singing may be a particularly potent way to transmit
    the disease, and it has banned singing not just at indoor
    worship services, but at indoor private gatherings, schools,
    and restaurants too.
    But, on further inspection, the singing ban may not be
    ——————
    1 While today’s case concerns the total ban on indoor worship found in
    “Tier 1,” nothing in our order precludes future challenges to the other
    disparate occupancy caps applicable to places of worship, particularly in
    “Tiers” 2 through 4. See App. to Emergency Application for Writ of In-
    junction, App. G–3.
    Cite as: 592 U. S. ____ (2021)                        5
    Statement of GORSUCH, J.
    what it first appears. It seems California’s powerful enter-
    tainment industry has won an exemption. 2 So, once more,
    we appear to have a State playing favorites during a pan-
    demic, expending considerable effort to protect lucrative in-
    dustries (casinos in Nevada; movie studios in California)
    while denying similar largesse to its faithful. See, e.g., Cal-
    vary Chapel Dayton Valley v. Sisolak, 591 U. S. ___, ___
    2020) (GORSUCH, J., dissenting from denial of application
    for injunction relief ).
    Once more, too, the State has not explained how a total
    ban on religious singing is narrowly tailored to its legiti-
    mate public health concerns. Even if a full congregation
    singing hymns is too risky, California does not explain why
    even a single masked cantor cannot lead worship behind a
    mask and a plexiglass shield. Or why even a lone muezzin
    may not sing the call to prayer from a remote location inside
    a mosque as worshippers file in. The Ninth Circuit sought
    to defend California’s uneven regime by observing that the
    ——————
    2 There is some confusion over what rules actually apply to Hollywood
    but I would not allow the government officials who created California’s
    complex regime to benefit from its confusing nature. The district court
    did not address the singing ban, and the Ninth Circuit applied rational-
    basis review because it was not convinced that anyone is permitted to
    sing indoors in California. ___ F. 3d., ___, 
    2021 WL 222814
    , *18 (CA9,
    Jan. 22, 2021). But the record suggests that music, film, and television
    studios are permitted to sing indoors. See Record in No. 20–56358, Doc.
    18–4, p. 124 (CA9) (decl. of Screen Actors Guild General Counsel) (“Sing-
    ing in larger groups [inside the studio] is permitted but only . . . with
    additional protections.”). California’s most recent edict prohibits singing
    at “private” “social situations” as well as “activities protected by the First
    Amendment to the extent they are not already permitted by other guid-
    ance.” California Dept. of Public Health, Guidance for the Prevention of
    COVID–19 Transmission for Gatherings (updated Nov. 13, 2020). No
    one seems to know exactly how far this language stretches, but it seems
    unlikely to apply to the entertainment industry, which has its own gov-
    erning guidance. And California does not squarely deny as much here.
    See Brief in Opposition 51–52, and n. 52. As the Court recognizes,
    though, nothing in today’s order precludes future relief on this claim ei-
    ther.
    6   SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH v. NEWSOM
    Statement of GORSUCH, J.
    entertainment industry has adopted COVID–19 testing
    protocols. See ___ F. 3d., at ___, 
    2021 WL 222814
    , *13. But,
    if that’s true, it is unclear why California’s religious insti-
    tutions might be denied a similar opportunity. Rather than
    assume such testing is infeasible, California might have at
    least offered the option, or sought to adapt it to churches.
    In my view, the State must do more to tailor the require-
    ments of public health to the rights of its people. The
    Court’s order today at least allows the applicants to press
    these points on remand.
    No doubt, California will argue on remand, as it has be-
    fore, that its prohibitions are merely temporary because
    vaccinations are underway. But the State’s “temporary”
    ban on indoor worship has been in place since August 2020,
    and applied routinely since March. California no longer
    asks its movie studios, malls, and manicurists to wait. And
    one could be forgiven for doubting its asserted timeline.
    Government actors have been moving the goalposts on pan-
    demic-related sacrifices for months, adopting new bench-
    marks that always seem to put restoration of liberty just
    around the corner. As this crisis enters its second year—
    and hovers over a second Lent, a second Passover, and a
    second Ramadan—it is too late for the State to defend ex-
    treme measures with claims of temporary exigency, if it
    ever could. Drafting narrowly tailored regulations can be
    difficult. But if Hollywood may host a studio audience or
    film a singing competition while not a single soul may enter
    California’s churches, synagogues, and mosques, something
    has gone seriously awry.
    Cite as: 592 U. S. ____ (2021)              1
    KAGAN, J., dissenting
    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
    _________________
    No. 20A136 (20–746)
    _________________
    SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH,
    ET AL., v. GAVIN NEWSOM, GOVERNOR OF
    CALIFORNIA, ET AL.
    ON APPLICATION FOR INJUNCTIVE RELIEF
    [February 5, 2021]
    JUSTICE KAGAN, with whom JUSTICE BREYER and
    JUSTICE SOTOMAYOR join, dissenting.
    Justices of this Court are not scientists. Nor do we know
    much about public health policy. Yet today the Court dis-
    places the judgments of experts about how to respond to a
    raging pandemic. The Court orders California to weaken
    its restrictions on public gatherings by making a special ex-
    ception for worship services. The majority does so even
    though the State’s policies treat worship just as favorably
    as secular activities (including political assemblies) that,
    according to medical evidence, pose the same risk of COVID
    transmission. Under the Court’s injunction, the State must
    instead treat worship services like secular activities that
    pose a much lesser danger. That mandate defies our
    caselaw, exceeds our judicial role, and risks worsening the
    pandemic.
    Start with the governing law. We have held time and
    again that the First Amendment demands “neutrality” in
    actions affecting religion. Church of Lukumi Babalu Aye,
    Inc. v. Hialeah, 
    508 U. S. 520
    , 532 (1993). A government
    cannot put limits on religious conduct if it “fail[s] to prohibit
    nonreligious conduct that endangers” the government’s in-
    terests “in a similar or greater degree.” 
    Id., at 543
    . That
    principle, though, has a corollary: The “Constitution does
    not require things which are different in fact . . . to be
    2   SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH v. NEWSOM
    KAGAN, J., dissenting
    treated in law as though they were the same.” Plyler v. Doe,
    
    457 U. S. 202
    , 216 (1982). So “States must treat like cases
    alike but may treat unlike cases accordingly.” Vacco v.
    Quill, 
    521 U. S. 793
    , 799 (1997); see Lukumi, 
    508 U. S., at 542
    . 1
    California’s response to the COVID pandemic satisfies
    that neutrality rule by regulating worship services the
    same as other activities “where large groups of people [come
    together] in close proximity for extended periods of time.”
    South Bay United Pentecostal Church v. Newsom, 590 U. S.
    ___, ___ (2020) (ROBERTS, C. J., concurring in denial of ap-
    plication for injunctive relief ) (slip op., at 2). The restricted
    activities include attending a worship service or political
    meeting; going to a lecture, movie, play, or concert; and fre-
    quenting a restaurant, winery, or bar. So the activities are
    both religious and secular—and many of the secular gath-
    erings, too, are constitutionally protected. In all those com-
    munal activities, California requires mask wearing and so-
    cial distancing, and bars indoor singing and chanting, to
    reduce the risk of COVID transmission. In addition, the
    State has put limits on how many people can assemble in
    one indoor space—whether a church, theater, or lecture
    hall. Depending on COVID case and test-positivity rates,
    public gatherings may occur only at specified occupancy lev-
    els—for example, at 50% or 25% of a facility’s capacity. And
    when COVID rates are highest, all those capacity limits
    give way to a rule that the gathering—again, whether reli-
    gious or secular—take place outdoors (with no limits on at-
    tendance).     Given California’s mild climate, that re-
    striction—the one the Court today lifts for houses of
    worship alone—does not amount to a ban on the activity.
    Worship services, along with other gatherings, have taken
    ——————
    1 Only if a government fails this neutrality test must its policy “be jus-
    tified by a compelling government interest and . . . be narrowly tailored
    to advance that interest.” Lukumi, 
    508 U. S., at
    531–532.
    Cite as: 592 U. S. ____ (2021)              3
    KAGAN, J., dissenting
    place outdoors throughout this winter.
    California’s scheme homes in on these indoor gatherings
    because they pose a heightened danger of COVID transmis-
    sion. In written testimony in this case, Dr. James Watt, the
    Chief of Communicable Diseases at the California Depart-
    ment of Public Health, explained: “There is broad consen-
    sus among epidemiologists that transmission (and thus
    spread) of the novel coronavirus is more likely” at “[i]ndoor
    public gatherings,” which “bring together [many] people
    from different households.” Decl. of Dr. James Watt in No.
    3:20–cv–865 (SD Cal.), Doc. 81–3, ¶¶37, 44 (Watt Decl.).
    Dr. George Rutherford, a professor of epidemiology at the
    University of California, San Francisco School of Medicine,
    further elaborated on the point. He described the “in-
    crease[ ]” in risk when gatherings “are of an extended dura-
    tion, and when there is a lot of verbal interaction, especially
    when there is group singing, chanting, or other loud vocali-
    zation” like speeches or sermons. Decl. of Dr. George Ruth-
    erford in No. 3:20–cv–865, Doc. 81–4, ¶91 (Rutherford
    Decl.). That risk, of course, extends not only to the partici-
    pants themselves, but to everyone they associate with in a
    community. See Watt Decl., ¶42.
    The medical experts also testified about why California
    imposed more severe capacity limits on gathering places
    like churches and theaters than on other indoor sites. The
    State’s regulation of retail stores is less stringent, Dr. Ruth-
    erford explained, because shopping “involves less close
    proximity” with other people—and for less time—than does
    an indoor worship service, lecture, or similar event. Ruth-
    erford Decl., ¶113; see id., ¶117. For that reason, shoppers
    are “less likely to receive a sufficient viral load of droplets”
    to contract COVID. Id., ¶113. Similarly, Dr. Rutherford
    observed, workplaces can have higher capacity limits be-
    cause employers (and, by extension, their employees) must
    comply with “detailed, workplace-specific COVID preven-
    4   SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH v. NEWSOM
    KAGAN, J., dissenting
    tion plans subject to enforcement by State labor authori-
    ties.” Id., ¶121. Film production studios in California, for
    example, must test their employees as many as three times
    a week—a requirement that “could not feasibly be applied
    to the congregation of a house of worship.” Ibid., and n. 8.
    Given all that evidence, California’s choices make good
    sense. The State is desperately trying to slow the spread of
    a deadly disease. It has concluded, based on essentially un-
    disputed epidemiological findings, that congregating to-
    gether indoors poses a special threat of contagion. So it has
    devised regulations to curb attendance at those assemblies
    and—in the worst times—to force them outdoors. Cru-
    cially, California has applied each of those rules equiva-
    lently to religious activities and to secular activities, includ-
    ing some with First Amendment protection of their own.
    Where the State has regulated religious conduct, it has as
    well regulated “nonreligious conduct that endangers [its]
    interests in a similar” way. Lukumi, 
    508 U. S., at 543
    . The
    only secular conduct the State treats better is the kind that
    its experts have found does not so imperil its interests—the
    kind that poses less risk of COVID transmission. Nothing
    in that policy violates the First Amendment.
    Yet the Court will not let California fight COVID as it
    thinks appropriate. The Court has decided that the State
    must exempt worship services from the strictest aspect of
    its regulation of public gatherings. No one can know, from
    the Court’s 19-line order, exactly why: Is it that the Court
    does not believe the science, or does it think even the best
    science must give way? In any event, the result is clear:
    The State may not treat worship services like activities
    found to pose a comparable COVID risk, such as political
    meetings or lectures. Instead, the State must treat this one
    communal gathering like activities thought to pose a much
    lesser COVID risk, such as running in and out of a hard-
    ware store. In thus ordering the State to change its public
    Cite as: 592 U. S. ____ (2021)                        5
    KAGAN, J., dissenting
    health policy, the Court forgets what a neutrality rule de-
    mands. The Court insists on treating unlike cases, not like
    ones, equivalently. 2
    This is no garden-variety legal error: In forcing California
    to ignore its experts’ scientific findings, the Court impairs
    the State’s effort to address a public health emergency.
    There are good reasons why the Constitution “principally
    entrusts the safety and the health of the people” to state
    officials, not federal courts. South Bay, 590 U. S., at ___
    (ROBERTS, C. J., concurring) (slip op., at 2) (internal quota-
    tion marks and alteration omitted). First among them is
    that judges “lack[ ] the background, competence, and exper-
    tise to assess public health.” 
    Ibid.
     To state the obvious,
    judges do not know what scientists and public health ex-
    perts do. I am sure that, in deciding this case, every Justice
    carefully examined the briefs and read the decisions below.
    But I cannot imagine that any of us delved into the scien-
    tific research on how COVID spreads, or studied the strat-
    egies for containing it. So it is alarming that the Court sec-
    ond-guesses the judgments of expert officials, and displaces
    their conclusions with its own. See Roman Catholic Diocese
    of Brooklyn v. Cuomo, ante, at 3 (SOTOMAYOR, J., dissent-
    ing). In the worst public health crisis in a century, this
    ——————
    2 For much this reason, the Court’s decision in Roman Catholic Diocese
    of Brooklyn v. Cuomo, ante, p. ___ (per curiam), does not require today’s
    injunction. There, the Court found that New York had “single[d] out
    houses of worship for especially harsh treatment.” Ante, at 3. But here,
    according to the epidemiological evidence in the record, California has
    treated houses of worship identically to other facilities with the same
    risk. It is the Court, not the State, that “single[s] out” religious activity—
    separating it from other equally risky public gatherings. What is more,
    Roman Catholic Diocese held, at a time when New York was lifting re-
    strictions to reflect declining case rates, that the policy at issue was “far
    more severe than has been shown to be required to prevent the spread of
    the virus.” Ante, at 4. No court—or, at any rate, no court with any sense
    of modesty—can make that claim here. California’s hospitals are near
    maximum capacity, and over 3,500 state residents perished from the vi-
    rus just last week.
    6   SOUTH BAY UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCH v. NEWSOM
    KAGAN, J., dissenting
    foray into armchair epidemiology cannot end well.
    And who knows what today’s decision will mean for other
    restrictions challenged in other cases? The Court’s order
    exempts churches only from California’s indoor ban, leaving
    its capacity restrictions in place (at least for now). That is
    all to the good: The injunction stops short of giving the
    churches all their requested relief. But the scope of the or-
    der raises questions. When are such capacity limits per-
    missible, and when are they not? And is an indoor ban
    never allowed, or just not in this case? Most important—do
    the answers to those questions or similar ones turn on rec-
    ord evidence about epidemiology, or on naked judicial in-
    stinct? The Court’s decision leaves state policymakers
    adrift, in California and elsewhere. It is difficult enough in
    a predictable legal environment to craft COVID policies
    that keep communities safe. That task becomes harder still
    when officials must guess which restrictions this Court will
    choose to strike down. The Court injects uncertainty into
    an area where uncertainty has human costs.
    All this from unelected actors, “not accountable to the
    people.” South Bay, 590 U. S., at ___ (ROBERTS, C. J., con-
    curring) (slip op., at 2). I fervently hope that the Court’s
    intervention will not worsen the Nation’s COVID crisis.
    But if this decision causes suffering, we will not pay. Our
    marble halls are now closed to the public, and our life ten-
    ure forever insulates us from responsibility for our errors.
    That would seem good reason to avoid disrupting a State’s
    pandemic response. But the Court forges ahead regardless,
    insisting that science-based policy yield to judicial edict. I
    respectfully dissent.